Argentina’s Political Turmoil: Frondizi, Peronism, and Military Interventions
The Pact Between Perón and Frondizi
Peronism agreed to renounce political candidates for presidential elections. Faced with the concrete outcome of the vote, Peronism sought the liberation of its adherents, expressing their repudiation of the dictatorship that ousted President Perón. For his part, Frondizi committed to reinstating all the social, political, and economic gains made by the people, which had been curtailed after the revolution.
Frondizi and Developmental Experience
The government held a significant majority in Congress, and Frondizi initiated measures to satisfy the demands of Peronist factions. This marked the fulfillment of the “sealed pact” with that sector. He engaged with the CGT, aiming for standardization within 90 days, and sanctioned the Law of Professional Associations, which promoted a single labor confederation aligned with Peronist union philosophy. Decrees and resolutions prohibiting Peronist propaganda and disqualifying officials were repealed. The military viewed this approach to Peronism with skepticism. Despite these measures, relative peace was achieved in 1958, but serious conflicts arose the following year. Newspapers frequently reported on “military posturing” intended to pressure the president.
Economic Development
The 1958 Stability and Development Plan provoked a strong popular backlash, leading to a critical national situation. Strikes became frequent, prompting the government to implement Plan Coninter. Simultaneously, military dissent persisted, accompanied by harsh criticism from opposition parties. The proposed development emphasized long-term infrastructure projects, aiming to shift away from the traditional agricultural-livestock economic model.
The Fall of Frondizi’s Government
The resurgence of Peronism became intolerable for the Armed Forces, leading to renewed pressure on the President. The executive branch intervened in provinces where Peronists had won elections. Newspapers reported the President’s request for mediation by General Aramburu. Frondizi ultimately refused to yield, and the armed forces deposed him on March 28, 1962, violating the Constitution once again. With Frondizi’s overthrow and the former vice president’s resignation, the question of presidential succession arose. The new president annulled the elections held during the final stage of the previous presidency, intervened in the provinces, and ordered the final recess of Congress.
The Army Divided: Blues and Reds
Guido’s administration was marked by two key features: a sharp economic downturn and military pronouncements. On one side was the legalistic Campo de Mayo faction (Blues), led by General Onganía, advocating for an electoral solution. The opposing military faction (Reds) pushed for a military government and the postponement of elections. Both groups were anti-Peronist. The Blues opposed military intervention in government affairs and government intervention in military matters. The Reds, representing more traditional and intransigent anti-Peronism, viewed the influence of Perón from exile unfavorably.
Pendeluar Movement and the Argentine Revolution
A crisis erupted when President Illia ordered the replacement of the army commander. National and international media speculated about a possible military coup. A 1965 meeting at West Point adopted the doctrine of national security, effectively legitimizing military actions and justifying a potential coup. The armed forces contemplated bypassing political parties to integrate a force directly involved with the real centers of power. The crisis escalated: strong trade union pressure, combined with a sustained media campaign damaging the presidential image, precipitated the outcome. The armed forces seized power. The president was isolated in the Casa Rosada. At dawn on June 28, security forces stormed radio and television stations, forcing Illia to retreat from the presidential palace.
A New Military Failure
The coup was approved, or at least accepted, by major political forces, with the exception of university sectors and the Radical Civic Union (UCR). Onganía, surrounded by ministers with significant business experience but limited political acumen, announced that the government “lacked time.” This confirmed the regime’s authoritarian nature and repressive stance: political activity was banned, censorship was widespread, and university autonomy was annulled through police crackdowns.
The Cordobazo
In May 1969, the city of Córdoba witnessed a worker-student uprising known as the Cordobazo, leading to domestic unrest and a crisis within Onganía’s government. The president faced a grave situation compounded by the kidnapping and subsequent murder of former President Aramburu by the Montoneros group. Lacking his own political base, union support, or backing from union leadership, Onganía’s isolation led to his resignation in June 1970.
The Decline of the Argentine Revolution
The new military president remained in power for only nine months. Disagreements and clashes with the Board of Chiefs of Staff made his tenure untenable, leading to Levingston’s resignation on March 23, 1971.
The Return of Perón: The JP and the Far Right
The slogan of Cámpora’s government, “Perón to power,” had been the driving force behind the Peronist electoral victory. Cámpora gained strength with the support of youth and radical groups like the Montoneros.
Perón’s Third Presidency
Confrontations between guerrillas and right-wing factions escalated, particularly after the emergence of the Triple A (Argentine Anticommunist Alliance). Created by Social Welfare Minister José López Rega but operating illegally, the Triple A engaged in the kidnapping, torture, and murder of trade unionists, intellectuals, and left-leaning individuals within and outside Peronism. During a mass rally in the Plaza de Mayo, Perón attempted to control the Montoneros, who, ultimately disillusioned, chose to withdraw from the alliance.
Illia: Another Failed Constitutional Experience
The UCR attempted to fulfill its election promises: state intervention and consumer protection. The state implemented policies favoring domestic capital and distribution. Oil contracts signed with foreign companies during Frondizi’s time were canceled. The CGT was normalized, and Peronist unions assumed leadership. Government authorities faced a labor union-organized plan of action: between May and June 1964, over 10,000 industrial establishments nationwide were occupied. Although this operation occurred without major incidents, the government’s image steadily deteriorated.
“Peronism without Perón?”
The government lifted the ban on Peronism but maintained the prohibition on Perón’s candidacy. Within the Justicialist Party (PJ), a movement emerged seeking to distance itself from Perón. This attempt, known as “Peronism without Perón,” gained traction in some provinces and within the union sector. To counter this, Perón sent his wife, Isabel, with instructions to regroup Peronism under his leadership. Isabelita’s efforts were successful, restoring the verticality of the Peronist strategy.