Franco’s Spain: Transition, Crisis, and End of an Era
The Organic Law of the State (1967) formed the basis of the regime. Specific functions of state bodies, representing the concentration of power in the dictator, modified other fundamental laws and introduced new features, such as separating the head of state and government. The technocrats of Opus Dei, with the support of Carrero Blanco, strengthened their positions, bringing economic growth as a key policy feature and ensuring stability. They had a definite ideology, committed to continuing the Franco regime through an authoritarian monarchy represented by Juan Carlos de Borbón, moving away from Falangists. In 1969, Franco appointed him as successor to the title of Prince of Spain, ensuring continuity through a monarchy based on Franco’s legality. Falangists placed the monarchy as a secondary issue, intending to promote the movement’s institutions as a basis, downplaying the vertical union to promote worker participation in union elections. In 1969, corruption allegations against the company involved the economic ministers. It was clear that the “development” policy failed in relation to social stability. The increase in social conflict was met by a hardening of the regime’s repression: a state of emergency, arrests, violence. The council of war in Burgos provoked a great response both within and outside Spain. Although Franco used the right of pardon to cancel these penalties, the government continued to use repression to maintain order. The reforms of Vatican II and the concern of some Catholic circles about injustice led to the emergence of critical attitudes against the dictatorship. Catholic dissent represented a distancing from the hierarchy of Christian base communities. Internal tensions were aggravated, and a stationary position, supported by Franco and Carrero Blanco, was imposed in the regime’s final years.
Final Crisis of the Regime (1973-1975)
The starting point began with the disappearance of Carrero Blanco, the victim of an ETA attack in December 1973. He was considered key to holding together all the Franco factions and ensuring the regime’s continuity. With his death, two more clearly defined political groups emerged: those favoring immobility and those favoring openings. In January 1974, a government headed by Carlos Arias Navarro announced a limited reform of Franco. He promised an ordinance, the election of mayors, increasing the powers of public prosecutors of courts, and a law on political associations. However, it soon became clear that these reforms had little real content and the system was unable to democratize. With the ex-patient, the diehard sectors were imposed and gave a twist to the government. The opening bid had failed. Instead of imposing bunker criteria based on the obligatory nature of the movement’s principles, it promoted violence by ultra groups in the streets. Opposition groups not only demonstrated for the democratization of the country, but political organizations formed a unit. Under the hegemony of the PCE, the Democratic Board was formed in July 1974, advocating for the formation of a provisional government that would introduce a democratic government. Before them, under the hegemony of the PSOE and the Democrats, the Democratic Convergence Platform was propelled in July 1975, with a program very similar to that proposed by the Board. During 1974-75, Franco’s illness prevented him from entering government, and the prince sometimes assumed the leadership of the state, but without any real power. The repression did not cease in the fourth quarter, and five activists of ETA and FRAP were sentenced to death and executed. This resulted in waves of international protests against Franco and the Spanish situation. He also had to cope with the conflict in Western Sahara, a Spanish colony. With the emergence of the Frente Polisario, Spain decided to accept the decolonization and self-determination for the territory. However, the King of Morocco, taking advantage of Franco’s agony, organized the Green March, a peaceful invasion of the territory that mobilized thousands of civilians. Faced with the danger of war, Spain gave in and, in November 1975, signed the Agreement of Madrid, which involved the delivery of the Sahara to Morocco and Mauritania. After a long agony, Franco died on November 20, 1975, leaving an anachronistic political system in deep crisis. Throughout Spain, the feeling of insecurity and uncertainty about the future was great.