Regenerationism and Political Movements in Spain
Regenerationism
The Disaster of ’98 fueled movements critical of the Restoration system, advocating for political and social regeneration and modernization in Spain. These Regenerationist movements found support within the middle class, and their ideals were reflected in the thinking of Joaquín Costa, who championed the modernization of the Spanish economy and society, particularly through increased literacy. Dismantling the caciquismo system and promoting electoral transparency were also key objectives. The Disaster also fostered cohesion among a group of intellectuals known as the Generation of ’98, characterized by a profound pessimism and criticism of Spain’s backwardness. Following the Spanish-American War and the loss of its American colonies, both conservative and liberal politicians adopted Regenerationist rhetoric, emphasizing the need to regenerate and modernize Spain, but ultimately implemented minimal reforms. Francisco Silvela (leader of the Conservatives after Cánovas’ assassination) assumed the presidency in 1899, succeeding the weakened and discredited Sagasta government. Silvela initiated a reform policy, but it lasted only two years.
The Labor Movement: Anarchists and Socialists
Anarchists fostered anti-state sentiment and distrust in reformist political action, including that of the Socialists. Until its legalization in 1881, anarchism advocated revolutionary action to overthrow the state. Following legalization, a new Federation of Workers of the Spanish Region emerged, abandoning the goal of state destruction and opting for peaceful solidarity and resistance. The most influential anarchist theories in Spain were those of Bakunin, who proposed total collectivization except for the fruits of labor, and Kropotkin, who advocated for complete collectivization. Andalusia and Catalonia saw the most significant anarchist activity. In industrialized Catalonia, with its greater economic resources, strikes were favored as a revolutionary method. Andalusia witnessed more violent actions, including bombings (Lyceum and Corpus Christi procession in Barcelona, 1896), assassinations (Cánovas, 1897), and attacks (wedding of Alfonso XIII, 1906). By 1907, anarchists began to employ other methods like strikes and mass education.
Socialists formed a smaller group, primarily rooted in Extremadura, New Castile, and especially Madrid. Led by Pablo Iglesias, who founded the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) in 1879 and later the General Union of Workers (UGT), the Socialist Party’s core tenets included: the emancipation of workers, the seizure of political power by the working class, and the rejection of terrorism, colonial expansion, and wars. Although their ultimate goal was revolution, the PSOE engaged in electoral politics, believing the working class would only succeed when it gained sufficient strength. The Socialists were considerably more moderate than the anarchists, maintaining significant differences with them.
Catalan Regionalism
Catalan regionalism developed in stages. In the 1830s, the Renaixença began—an intellectual, literary, and apolitical movement focused on reviving the Catalan language. In 1882, Valenti Almirall founded the Centre Català, an organization advocating for political autonomy and denouncing the perceived despotism of Restoration Spain. Enric Prat de la Riba established the Unió Catalanista (1891), a Catholic conservative organization. The following year, the organization adopted the Bases de Manresa, a program advocating for self-government and a division of powers between Spanish and Catalan authorities. In 1901, the Lliga Regionalista was formed by Francesc Cambó and Prat de la Riba. This conservative, Catholic, and bourgeois party had two primary objectives: political autonomy for Catalonia within Spain and the defense of Catalan industrialists’ economic interests. Catalan nationalism resonated primarily with the bourgeoisie and peasantry, while the working class largely embraced anarchism.
Basque and Galician Regionalism
Basque nationalism emerged after the last Carlist War, which resulted in the loss of Basque privileges and sparked demands for their restoration. It also arose as a reaction to the disruption of traditional Basque society, primarily rural, caused by industrialization and migration to cities. Sabino Arana founded the Basque Nationalist Party in 1894, establishing the core principles of Basque nationalism: Basque race, fueros (traditional laws), and religion. His motto, “God and Old Laws,” reflected a defense of traditional patriarchal society against liberal modernity and advocated for the reinstatement of fueros.
Regionalism in Galicia was milder and slower to develop, despite a more homogenous, primarily rural population with deep-rooted linguistic and cultural traditions. The mid-19th century saw the beginning of the Rexurdimento, a revival of Galician language and culture (Rosalía de Castro). A minority of educated Galicians, dissatisfied with the prevailing conditions, began to attribute Galicia’s backwardness and the need to emigrate to its political subordination. In the later stages of the Restoration, Galician regionalism began to acquire a more political dimension, though it remained a minor movement represented by figures like Alfredo Brañas.
The Cánovas System and Caciquismo
Cánovas sought to return to the pre-Sexenio system, appealing to a bourgeois class weary of political instability (Amadeo I’s monarchy, federal republic, centralized republic). He crafted a moderate and flexible constitution to establish open “rules of the game,” encompassing all branches of liberalism, preventing pronouncements, and maintaining political and public order based on balance. The Cánovas system’s core principle was shared sovereignty between the king and parliament, grounded in the concept of a “historical constitution” of the nation, encompassing traditional institutions like the King and Cortes. Official parties were expected to accept this principle of constitutional legality.
The system was controlled by two main political parties. Cánovas united moderate forces (nobility, landowners, business oligarchy, military high command, Church) to form the Conservative Party, supporting the Alfonsine monarchy. The dynastic opposition party was Sagasta’s Liberal Party, which incorporated supporters of the 1869 Constitution and advocated for universal suffrage. The parliamentary system, though modeled on the British system, differed significantly in practice. A pact between the two parties established a “peaceful turn” in power, excluding other parties. This system functioned primarily through caciquismo. Local bosses, often from the landed oligarchy, controlled political, economic, and social life, especially in rural areas. To maintain their party’s rule, they manipulated elections through fraud and rigging. Upon Alfonso XII’s death in 1885, his wife, Maria Cristina, became Regent. The two-party system continued under the Pact of El Pardo between Cánovas and Sagasta.
Caciquismo in Extremadura
The Cánovas system was falsely democratic, even after the introduction of universal male suffrage in 1890. In rural Extremadura, the caciquismo and oligarchic system were particularly effective. In the early years, the Cánovas model faced resistance from Republican sectors who attempted uprisings, such as the failed 1883 military uprising in Badajoz. The extension of suffrage in 1890, while potentially empowering, did not threaten the existing political, economic, and social power structures in Extremadura. The caciquismo system ensured the perpetuation of these inequalities. The system’s filters prevented potentially disruptive forces from entering the political arena. Small parties, formed by local notables with shared interests, dominated the political landscape. The agrarian oligarchy, including wealthy farmers and legal professionals, played a significant role in politics. Local bosses, scattered throughout the region, directed votes towards the chosen party, leveraging their socioeconomic influence and employing various tactics.
The system fostered political demobilization, evident in high abstention rates and loyalty to those in power. In Extremadura, as in other regions, the party in power consistently won, adhering to the turno system between conservatives and liberals. Republicans achieved only minimal representation. Labor organizations and regionalist movements held little relevance. Extremadura’s regionalism aimed to create regional awareness. The Journal of Extremadura, founded in 1899, promoted Extremadura’s distinct characteristics. This movement remained minor, confined to the lower bourgeoisie and detached from the interests of the masses. Antonio Norberto Elviro Berdeguer, a doctor from Salorino, Cáceres, embodied Extremadura’s regionalism. Despite failing to gain regional political representation in the 1918 elections, he garnered significant electoral support. He was arrested, tried, and executed at the start of the Civil War. Ultimately, much of Extremadura’s population remained marginalized from political decision-making during the Restoration.