Social Unrest & Agrarian Reform in 19th Century Extremadura
– Extremadura Democrats in the Six Years: Peasant Revolts
Social tensions and growing populations across Spain during Isabella II’s reign also reached Extremadura. A burgeoning rural population strained the region’s primary resource: land. The 1868 Revolution fueled expectations of change, and the social question of land ownership became Extremadura’s defining problem. A significant portion of land was privately owned, often having been seized from communal use.
Following the pronouncement in Cádiz, Extremadura’s army initially remained loyal to Isabella II. Scattered armed civilian groups posed no threat to the military. However, after the defeat of Isabella’s troops at Alcolea, the revolution was accepted, and local boards formed in each capital. A Superior Board aimed to stabilize the situation and protect property rights, while also advocating for universal suffrage and the abolition of the quinta (conscription) and consumption taxes. In the early fall of 1868, farmers occupied farms, necessitating military intervention. Rural unrest persisted throughout the Sexenio Revolucionario (Six Revolutionary Years). By late October, the Boards dissolved, integrating into Provincial Councils. During the Constituent Cortes period, republican movements emerged, particularly in northern Cáceres, but were quickly suppressed by the Guardia Civil. Elections resulted in a victory for the democratic monarchy, although results were closer in Badajoz. Under Amadeo I’s monarchy, rural unrest continued. The winter of 1873, during the First Republic, saw significant, albeit poorly organized, uprisings, especially in Badajoz. Extremadura’s rural nature and geographical location hindered the growth of the internationalist movement, although local AIT (International Workingmen’s Association) federations were founded in towns like Badajoz, Cáceres, and Cabeza del Buey. Finally, the cantonal movement had a minor impact, with isolated attempts like the Placentia canton. More significant was the Carlist problem, pursued through both parliamentary means and armed conflict.
2. Liberal Agrarian Reform in Spain
In Spain, the old regime’s liquidation occurred through an alliance between the liberal bourgeoisie, the landed aristocracy, and the monarchy as arbitrator, without a parallel peasant revolution. Peasant interests were often disregarded, and many who had previously enjoyed relative prosperity suffered from the privatization of manorial lands and increased taxes.
A crucial aspect of the reform was the liquidation of the feudal system. The Liberals, respecting their alliance with the aristocracy, largely ignored the feudal nostalgia evident in Carlism. Transitioning to bourgeois property required clarifying and converting land titles. The conditions of this conversion determined whether peasants or their former lords benefited, with the key issue being whether proof of ownership was required.
The Cortes of Cádiz addressed this issue with the law of August 26, 1837, stating that title presentation was unnecessary in villages not under manorial rule. Even in those formerly under aristocratic control, lords were exempt from presenting titles for properties they already held as private property. This was interpreted in practice to consistently favor the lords in legal disputes with peasants.
FONTANA, J. Economic Change and Political Attitudes in 19th Century Spain. The Desamortización (Confiscation) involved the state seizure (with compensation) of real estate, primarily Church and municipal properties. These nationalized assets were then auctioned, significantly contributing to state revenue. The Desamortización aimed to address the long-standing issue of “dead hands” – inalienable property held by institutions like the Church, entailed estates, and municipalities, hindering economic progress. After initial attempts under Godoy, the Cortes of Cádiz decreed a general confiscation, including Jesuit properties, French-style assets, military orders, suppressed convents, and half of the lots. These could be purchased with cash or government debt securities. This decree, though not implemented due to Ferdinand VII’s coup, foreshadowed the 19th-century Desamortización, emphasizing revenue generation over land redistribution. The Desamortización primarily benefited the middle and upper classes who held debt securities, often at the expense of the rural poor who had previously used communal lands. The Trienio Liberal reinstated the Cádiz decrees, but Ferdinand VII’s absolutist restoration in 1823 forced the return of sold properties, angering buyers who then supported Liberalism.
After 1833, the Desamortización accelerated:
- The confiscation of Church property occurred in two stages: the regular clergy’s properties were nationalized and sold in 1836 under Prime Minister Mendizabal’s decree, aiming to finance the Carlist War, improve public finances, and create a class of landowners loyal to the liberal cause. Approximately 430 million pesetas worth of property was sold in five years. In 1841, under Regent Espartero, the remaining clergy’s assets were included. Sales reached 3.447 billion pesetas, about 3/5 of the Church’s 1836 holdings. The process paused with the Moderates’ rise to power in 1844 until the Madoz Law.
- The Madoz Law or general confiscation of May 1855, was the most significant stage. It encompassed not only Church property but also state and municipal assets. All non-private real estate was to be auctioned. By 1876, around 5.447 billion pesetas worth of goods had been sold.