Spain’s Role in the EU and International Relations

Spain’s Integration into the European Union

The historical background of relations between Spain and the European Community dates back to 1962. During a period of greater international recognition of the Francoist state, Minister of Foreign Affairs Fernando Maria Castiella publicly requested membership. This was not achieved, and it was not until 1970 that a preferential agreement with the EEC was signed. This agreement facilitated the export of Spanish products to these markets and led to the formation of a first group of officials expert in European affairs.

After the death of Franco and the first democratic elections, attempts to join the EU were renewed in July 1977 by UCD Minister Marcelino Oreja Aguirre. These negotiations had the support of the Spanish parliamentary parties but were opposed by France. France was particularly concerned about agricultural and fishery issues. Some European countries and the rest of the world were also suffering the impact of the 1973 oil crisis.

The coming to power of the Socialist Party in Spain in 1982, and in France (Francois Mitterrand), facilitated real integration. The heads of state summit in Stuttgart saw the RFA, the largest economic power in Europe, refuse to raise community funds if Spain and Portugal were not accepted. At the Fontainebleau summit, after overcoming opposition from Britain and channeling the French position, it was decided that the two countries would join on January 1, 1986.

Before reaching the final treaty signed in Madrid and Lisbon in June 1986, a tough series of negotiations took place. The high points were fishing, agriculture, and livestock. Especially feared was its impact on the CAP, as precautionary measures were imposed. These translated into many years of transition to full integration of certain products and agricultural sectors. The problem posed by the special status of the Canary Islands and certain aspects of the industrial sectors were definitively resolved. Integration was adopted unanimously in Congress and the Senate before the aforementioned final signature.

The Evolution of European Integration

The current issue of the European integration process started in 1986 with the approval of the Single European Act, a statement in favor of creating a unique community in the world where people, capital, and goods move freely.

This spirit of integration increased in 1992 following the signing of the Treaty on European Union in the Dutch city of Maastricht. This treaty provided greater internal and external cooperation and increased the power of the European Parliament. Above all, it outlined an economic and monetary union that would make possible the emergence of a new power comparable to the U.S. or Japan. This would require getting the maximum number of countries to converge on very similar figures in terms of:

  • Public deficit: Difference between income and expenditure (less than 3%)
  • Inflation: Price level (no higher than 1.5% of the average of the three best)
  • Government Debt: Less than 60% of GDP
  • Interest: Value of money provided by the State and the Bank (2% less than the three most stable countries)

Almost all EU countries, with greater or lesser problems, have achieved these objectives, staying within the single currency, officially called the Euro, except Greece. Great Britain, Denmark, and Sweden chose not to join due to a lack of compliance with economic conditions.

To achieve this, all countries have had to implement common economic policies, such as cutting public spending, privatizing state companies to lower the gap between expenditure and income, or adjusting wages downward to avoid higher inflation. With these measures, it was thought to test common future decision-making, improve the quality of life for consumers since products would be cheaper, and lower borrowing (due to falling inflation and interest rates). These actions should allow an increase in economic growth and therefore a higher level of employment, even though many individuals have denounced the deal. In several countries (especially France), it was approved by a very tight referendum.

Expansion and Reform of the European Union

With the eastward enlargement, the European Union went on to have 27 member states. It found the need to change its structure and rules of operation related to the composition and powers of the Commission. Unanimity in decision-making was replaced by a majority principle, considering the weight of the member countries.

In this sense, the Treaty of Nice entered into force in 2000. It adopted the principle of unanimity and rejected the idea that some states could make decisions without the commitment of others. These reforms were stalled by the many interests involved and the action of Euroscepticism in some new EU countries. To try to relaunch the idea of Europe, a new Constitution was drafted in 2003. It faced opposition in a referendum in France and Holland, but Spain accepted the project in a referendum.

A reduced version, the Lisbon Treaty, is currently in force. It includes:

  • A president appointed every two years (a position that fell to the Belgian Van Rompuy)
  • A strengthening of the High Representative for Foreign Policy (British Lady Ashton)
  • An attempt to cover the main problem of the union, as a common voice is needed in these areas
  • The disappearance of the right of veto (2014), replaced by the ‘double majority’: 55% of the states with a minimum of 15, totaling 65% of the population

This whole process was finally approved in 2009, with Ireland and Czechoslovakia as the last hurdles.

Spain’s Foreign Policy in Latin America

The introduction of democracy in Spain marked the beginning of a policy of rapprochement with Latin America. Spain has become a hub of foreign policy, trying to be a bridge between Latin America and the EU.

Since 1991, Ibero-American Summits have been held annually, starting with the first in Guadalajara, Mexico. These summits primarily serve to strengthen relations between member countries and try to establish a common voice on current issues.

From these summits, other agencies were created to improve preparation and development, such as the Ibero-American General Secretariat, the Indigenous Fund, and the Union of Ibero-American Capital Cities (UCCI).

Spain has been gaining a growing influence in the region, as seen in some specific situations:

  • Central America: Spain is part of a group of friends that has helped the peace process in the area, such as ONUCA (a military mission in the area led by a Spanish soldier) or MINUCA, related to Guatemala.
  • Cuba: Spain acts as a mediator for the EU, although its stance depends on which party is in government. The Popular Party tends to be more intransigent about the dictatorship, while the PSOE is more pragmatic.

After Spain’s entry into the EEC, there has been a steady increase in foreign aid, specifically targeted to countries with lower incomes. Especially noteworthy was Spanish solidarity with Honduras in connection with the destruction brought by Hurricane Mitch. The solidarity fund for development aid amounted to 1.5 billion euros in 2007.

Economic Relations Between Spain and Latin America

Within the new framework of cooperation, the presence of Spanish companies established in the area has been very important. Spain became the main financial investor, only behind the USA. There are 400 companies present and 2,300 companies in countries like Brazil, Argentina, Peru, and Chile. This phenomenon represents 8% of the region’s GDP.

Equally important is the flow of immigrants, especially from Latin America to Spain, which helps increase mutual wealth in both the country of origin, through remittances, and the destination country.

However, this general process of economic contributions shows a slowdown in Spanish investment in Latin America. This is due to strong competition from other countries, such as China, the change of location of Spanish businesses now also oriented to Europe and even Asia, and suspicions raised by the legal obstacles that countries like Venezuela and Bolivia have imposed on foreign investment.

Spain’s Relations with the Maghreb

Another very important area for Spanish foreign policy is the Maghreb. Spain has an energy dependence on Algeria, as it is our primary natural gas supplier. This is done through a pipeline built across the Mediterranean, representing a significant infrastructure. Spain has therefore tried at all times to contribute to the pacification of Algeria and its gradual return to democratic normality.

Morocco is another country with which relations are of special importance. There have been periods of tension and more relaxed periods. Among the factors that influence the relationship are:

  • Morocco is a route of illegal immigration to the Peninsula and a source of emigration of Moroccan citizens who have come to our country.
  • Ceuta and Melilla are a permanent source of tension, as Morocco claims sovereignty over both. At present, they are places of strong economic and human exchanges.
  • The occupation of Western Sahara since 1975 marks another conflict, as Morocco is in the area without committing to the UN referendum. This consultation would resolve the issue of sovereignty, and Spain maintains a moral debt to the indigenous Sahrawis.
  • The development of oil fields between Morocco and the Canary Islands creates competition between Rabat and Madrid.

Despite many contentious issues, relations remain very strong, as evidenced by the large number of Spanish firms with interests in Morocco.

Mauritania is at a lower level but is also featured as a place from which major migratory flows towards Spain originate. Spain tries to stop this with investments in development assistance and strengthening police costs. This has caused the canoes to come from countries further south, entering fully into Senegal, in areas belonging to Sub-Saharan Africa. Spain also tries to address this issue by supporting development in these areas.

Other Areas of Spanish Foreign Policy

It should also be noted that the African routes not only relate to the development of illegal immigration but have become a place through which the influence of radical Islam may come to Spain. This is the case with the attack on the Casa de EspaƱa in Casablanca or the North African origin of most of the perpetrators of the 11-M train attacks.

Finally, other areas of Spanish presence include East Asia, although this is more of a desire than a reality, as our relationship with those countries is clearly unfavorable. Spain also plays a role in the Middle East conflict, with the organization in 1991 of the Madrid Peace Conference. This was followed by the appointment of Miguel Angel Moratinos as the EU High Representative for the area. Recently, Spain has been part of the”blue helmet” interposed between the fundamentalists of Hezbollah and Israeli soldiers after the last war between the two. A Spanish general has taken command of these troops.