Spanish-American War: Causes, Events, and Aftermath

The Spanish-American War: Colonial Conflict and the Crisis of 1898

Background and Causes

Since 1868, Cuban insurrections were fueled by the islanders’ growing desire for independence. Cuba and the Philippines, subject to Spanish central power, lacked administrative and political representation and faced financial burdens. The 1878 Pact of Zanjón left promises unfulfilled, met with resistance from Spaniards on the island who belonged to the Constitutional Party and opposed change. The abolition of slavery on February 13, 1889, was a limited victory. The Little War (1879-1880), with rebels led by Antonio Maceo against General Polavieja’s troops, highlighted the ongoing tensions.

Subsequent attempts at reform, such as those proposed by Antonio Maura, Minister of the Colonies in 1893, were blocked by the intransigence of Spanish and Catalan industrialists and landowners whose economic interests were threatened. This became a primary cause of the war: Cuban dissatisfaction with the inadequate response to their demands for greater representation and economic and political autonomy.

Adding to this were the industrial and demographic growth of the United States, which fueled colonial expansionism from 1872 (Hawaii). Cuba represented a significant import and export market. Controlling the island meant controlling the largest producer of sugar and tobacco in the Americas. The U.S. proposed purchasing the island, but the Spanish Restoration governments refused.

Spain’s lack of international support, due to the neutrality policy of the Restoration governments, favored U.S. intervention in a climate of colonial power struggles (Fashoda Incident, Boxer Rebellion, Boer Wars, Russo-Japanese War).

The Cuban and Philippine Wars (1895-1898)

Key Cuban leaders included poet José Martí, who founded the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892, Máximo Gómez, and Antonio Maceo. In the Philippines, José Rizal led the uprising from 1896.

First Stage (1895)

Cubans initiated the war with the Cry of Baire on February 24, 1895, issued by José Martí: “Viva Cuba Libre!” They quickly gained control of the eastern part of the island using guerrilla tactics. General Martínez Campos, tasked with suppressing the rebellion, attempted to replicate the appeasement policy that had proven successful during the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878). His failure led to the rebellion’s spread.

Second Stage (1896-1897)

Cánovas replaced Martínez Campos with General Weyler, who implemented harsh measures, concentrating the civilian population to cut off support for the rebels and isolating the guerrillas. Weyler’s effectiveness prompted Cánovas to introduce administrative reforms aimed at appeasing the rebels and easing tensions with the United States.

Third Stage (1897-1898)

Following Cánovas’s assassination, Sagasta assumed power and pursued a policy of appeasement. He replaced Weyler with General Blanco, who favored dialogue, and granted Cuba full autonomy, including equal rights, universal suffrage, and self-government. However, it was too late. U.S. aid to the rebels, driven by pressure from sugar companies and public opinion manipulation by the yellow press, made a reversal impossible. Meanwhile, in the Philippines, the signing of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato in late 1897 seemingly resolved the Philippine insurrection.

U.S. Intervention and the Spanish-American War (1898)

In 1896, William McKinley, a supporter of intervention in Cuba, was elected U.S. President. He was backed by public opinion, proponents of imperialism, and the interests of sugar companies.

The sinking of the USS Maine in Havana harbor on February 15, 1898, resulting in 254 deaths, provided the pretext for intervention. Despite Spanish denials, the U.S. blamed Spain for the incident. Washington offered to buy Cuba for $300 million, but Spain refused. On April 18, the U.S. issued an ultimatum, and on April 21, war began.

In the Philippines, after three years of war against the rebels, the situation appeared under control thanks to the efforts of Governor-General Polavieja and his successor, Fernando Primo de Rivera. In the spring of 1898, the U.S. fleet, anchored in Hong Kong, sailed to the Philippines. On May 1, the Spanish fleet was destroyed at Cavite, and Manila fell without resistance on August 14, after the armistice had been signed.

In Cuba, on July 3, Admiral Cervera’s fleet was destroyed by Admiral Sampson’s fleet, and Santiago de Cuba surrendered on July 17. In late July, U.S. troops landed in Puerto Rico.

Under the Treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, Spain relinquished Cuba, and ceded the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Guam to the United States in exchange for $20 million. The dismantling of the Spanish empire concluded in July 1899 when Spain sold the remaining Mariana Islands, the Caroline Islands, and Palau to Germany for $15 million.

Factors contributing to Spain’s defeat included the proximity of U.S. forces to their bases and the superior quality of U.S. military equipment.

Consequences

The aftermath of the war was not as devastating as some had feared. There were no major uprisings or military revolts. In some ways, the end of the colonial conflict brought a sense of relief. Economically, the consequences were less severe than anticipated, despite the collapse of the Catalan textile industry and the loss of key markets. The stock market stabilized upon news of the Spanish fleet’s defeat, and within a few years, the Spanish economy experienced significant growth. Twenty-two banks were established, and major industrial companies and bank mergers took place. Companies like Altos Hornos de Vizcaya, Banco Español de Crédito, Compañía General de Electricidad Española, and Sociedad Azucarera Cros were founded. Bank savings increased from 230 million pesetas in 1897 to 400 million in 1905, largely due to the repatriation of Cuban capital.

The human cost was undoubtedly the most tragic: 120,000 deaths (half of them Spanish soldiers), and the moral and psychological impact of the returning wounded soldiers in deplorable conditions. For many, the war in Cuba had been a pointless sacrifice, highlighting Spain’s weakness on the world stage.

A sense of national crisis emerged, leading to a wave of political and intellectual pessimism and a debate about Spain’s future, spearheaded by figures of the Generation of ’98 and regenerationist thinkers like Joaquín Costa, Lucas Mallada, and Ricardo Macías Picavea.

These criticisms were reflected in the protests of Chambers of Agriculture and Commerce, which met in Zaragoza in November 1898 and formed the National Union in 1900. They called for wealth creation, administrative reforms, reduced state spending, and decentralization. However, lacking social force, their actions were ignored by the Regent and Silvela’s Conservative government. It was, however, an early warning sign for the Restoration regime.

The resurgence of regionalism, with its political demands and ability to mobilize large segments of the population, was another consequence. The UGT experienced significant growth, from 6,000 members in 1898 to 27,000 in 1903.

Politicians, particularly conservatives, were sensitive to the disaster. General Polavieja’s manifesto clearly articulated the objectives of regeneration from within the power structure. In 1899, Silvela formed a coalition government with Polavieja and Catalan representatives (Durán y Bas) aiming to reduce corruption, improve government efficiency, ensure cleaner elections, and implement an economic project based on Finance Minister Villaverde’s reforms to reduce the deficit and address the costs of the colonial war. This led to a prolonged period of surplus (until 1908) and monetary stability. Minister Dato later introduced a law regulating the work of women and children (1900) and another on industrial accidents. Sagasta’s Liberal government, which succeeded Silvela’s, expanded these reforms by legalizing the right to strike in 1902 and further secularizing Spanish society by reforming the Concordat with the Vatican, making religious education non-compulsory in high schools.

However, many of these projects encountered resistance in the courts. The conflicting interests of the oligarchy and factions within the parties hindered the regeneration of the political system designed by Cánovas.