Spanish Civil War: Franco’s Rise and the Nationalist State
The Spanish Civil War: Internal Conflicts and Franco’s Rise
The setbacks of the war led to infighting within the government, destroying the team of Ana (President), Negrín (Prime Minister), and Prieto (Defense Minister). On April 6, 1938, Prieto left the government because of disagreements with PCE sectors that controlled the People’s Army. Prieto, aware of the situation, suggested a negotiated solution with Franco, which was rejected by the PCE. However, after Prieto’s departure, discrepancies were resolved, and Negrín was backing a negotiated solution, either through international intermediaries or by negotiating directly with the rebels. Meanwhile, the PCE ordered the last big push, hoping the conflict would erupt in Europe. Opposition to the Communists grew as the war progressed toward its end, but after the defeat in the Battle of the Ebro and the fall of Catalonia, Negrín and the Communists believed that resistance at all costs was the only option. The upset by the presence of Communists in the government was led by Colonel Casado, head of the Central Army. On March 4, 1939, he rebelled against Negrín. After the failure of negotiations with Franco on March 26, the final capitulation occurred on April 1, 1939.
The Rebel Zone and the Rise of Franco
In the rebel zone, it was the war itself that articulated its political evolution. We can say that up to 1936, the rebels acted out of a general fear of revolution, but they had no political project or future structure. The political groups that supported the revolt were only united by the desire to overthrow the Popular Front. Regarding the immediate future, each group had its conception of the new state. Failing the coup, the military had to improvise a political organization in the areas that had been under their control, hence the creation of the National Defense Council, composed exclusively of military officers under the chairmanship of the oldest military officer, Cabanellas. The Legislative Council ordered the territory that was conquered by deleting all existing public offices, dissolving political parties, banning trade unions, abolishing the Land Reform, and violently suppressing any opposition stance. In the first months of war, political power was shared by Franco, Queipo de Llano, and Mola. Most significant was the creation of this political and military high command, which took all the decisions.
Franco’s Consolidation of Power
The rise of Franco over the other two was the work of circumstances and a coldly calculated move by Nicolás Franco and José Yanguas as protagonists. While Queipo de Llano and Mola had to take defensive positions based on their geographical location, Franco commanded the Army of Africa and was shown as the only one able to advance positions. He also featured, for promotion, with the support of a military group of monarchists. After Sanjurjo’s death on April 20, they believed that Franco was the general who could restore the monarchy in the country, but nothing could be further from reality, at least in the short term. The decision to entrust the political and military responsibility to Franco was adopted at two meetings in the last half of September 1936. The decisions were taken considering the provisional nature of the charge and therefore their reversibility, as it was thought that the war would be short. On September 29, Franco was appointed Head of State of National Spain, the first step in creating the new state. His first actions were directed at reducing the decision-making ability of Queipo de Llano and submitting the Carlists and Falange to him. The new government would have a purely military nature, concentrating its command at Franco’s headquarters.
The Unification of Political Parties
In the early months of 1937, it was already certain that the war would not be short, but Franco spread his power among his peers and between political parties of the same sign that had supported him. In part, this power was exercised due to their own weakness, as they did not have enough weight to face the military. Among all these formations, the Falange became the most compelling, primarily because its leaders were either imprisoned, shot, or killed in combat. It was possible that it could be used as a single party, which was identified with Franco’s claims. It also did not have the problem of questioning his leadership. It controlled all of the new power devices: the press, propaganda, social assistance, etc. It also served as an international showcase, trying to reflect an image that Germany and Fascist Italy, Franco’s major suppliers, would welcome. In early 1937, Franco decreed the merger of all political parties into one: Traditionalist Spanish Falange of the JONS, under his command, which boasted the highest peak of Falange power. However, this unification decree transformed the Falange, preventing it from being a fascist party, as its power came from above, not from below. The party was used to seize power, but it failed to impose its own model. Instead, it agreed with other formations, which shared power. The new party was characterized by:
- Being subject to military power personified by Franco.
- Internal pluralism, from Carlist to fascists.
- Execution of the service functions of the New State.
The Formation of the First Government
In June 1937, after the death of Mola, Jordana, a member of the Technical Commission, exposed to Franco the impracticality of the new state. The provisional nature of the situation caused overlapping functions and even personal clashes. Franco recommended the formation of a government to put an end to such situations. In late February 1938, the first government was formed with Ramón Serrano Suñer, Franco’s brother-in-law, playing a predominant role. It had a ministerial structure that continued during the dictatorship, with consistent ideological differences with the various coalition formations of the Traditionalist Spanish Falange of the JONS. The lack of unity among its members led Franco to change the cabinet only after the war in August 1939. Although the principles of the new state program are reflected in two documents, the 27-point program of the Falange and the Labor Law, the institutionalization of the regime was a conglomerate of various ideological influences. Nationally, it was defined as under a double inspiration: fascist and Catholic. But the one thing abundantly clear is that Franco took over political power.