Spanish Civil War: Republican and Rebel Rearguard
The Military Defeat of the Republican Rearguard
The military defeat of the Republican rearguard showed the need to form a new central government of unity and create a regular army to replace the columns of militiamen. José Giral resigned as chairman and was substituted by Largo Caballero (September 1936 to May 1937). The Socialist leader formed a unity government. Caballero’s government was slowly recovering state powers: progressively, almost all committees disappeared altogether, meetings were resumed in the courts, and governmental attributions went back to the central government. But the situation caused many clashes within the government, especially after the position of the Communists, who disagreed with some of Largo Caballero’s decisions and tactics, and his manner of direct conflict. The political crisis in the Republican rearguard was precipitated following the events of May 1937.
The May Days of 1937
The May Days were caused by the armed confrontation between the police forces of the Generalitat and militants of the PSUC, the UGT, and Estat Català, on one hand, and CNT-FAI militants, anarchist groups, Friends of Durruti, and the POUM on the other. It was a climax of tensions between Communists and anarcho-syndicalists. The incident began on May 2nd when the PSUC attempted to occupy the Telefónica building in Barcelona (controlled by the CNT), accusing the committee of exceeding its functions. The CNT declared a general strike, and there was intense fighting in the streets on the 4th and 5th.
In these circumstances, the Communists precipitated the crisis of the central government and put as conditions to continue collaborating, among others, the dissolution of the POUM and the withdrawal of Largo Caballero from the Ministry of War. But Largo Caballero refused, and Manuel Azaña dismissed him and ordered the formation of a new government under Juan Negrín. Negrín’s government, which remained in office until the end of the war with the support of much of the PSOE and the PCE, saw the influence of Communists in the government and the army increase progressively.
Negrín’s Government
Juan Negrín guided his policy toward resistance, strengthening the state, and played a popular role with the help of Indalecio Prieto, Minister of War, and General Vicente Rojo, the new Chief of Central Staff. But Franco demanded unconditional surrender.
The Rebel Rearguard
Nobody disputed the primacy of the military under Francisco Franco, but in the political field, it was difficult to reconcile discrepancies between the Falange and the JONS and the Traditionalist Communion. In addition, there were pro-Alfonso monarchists, together with members of CEDA and Renovación Española, who wanted the return of Alfonso XIII to the Spanish throne. Political tensions on that side were also constant. The most serious confrontation was between armed factions of Falangists in April 1937.
Franco’s Unification Decree
Franco reacted, and on April 19th, he promulgated a unification decree that created a single party in the Fascist style: Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, which absorbed CEDA and the monarchist groups. Franco left no doubt about his leadership of the new party. With this measure, Franco closed the circle of his absolute power. In this way, the ideological support of what would later be known as Francoism was laid: Falangist thought, the doctrinal basis of the Franco era; Carlism, bringing the tradition of royalist conservatism; and Catholic spirituality.
To all this, we must add the unconditional support of the Church hierarchy. The Spanish bishops, in a collective letter that some did not sign, qualified the military uprising as a Christian Crusade, with which they legitimized it before international Catholic opinion.