Spanish Civil War: Republican Zone Politics

Political Developments in the Republican Zone

The Initial Uprising and Government Changes

At the time of the uprising, the government resigned, and Casares Quiroga commissioned Martínez Barrio and Azaña to form another. The failure in its efforts to cripple the military rebellion and the fear of arming the people led him to resign on July 19, 1936. Azaña then entrusted Joseph Giral to form a government made up of moderate Republicans. Giral delivered arms to the people, organized in chaotic boards, councils, and committees, many of them willing to impose a revolutionary order (collectivization of land, factories, supply, transport, etc.). This revolutionary process (triggered and accelerated by the military uprising – they saw again the reformist risk) was carried out by anarcho-syndicalism (CNT-FAI), supported in part by the UGT, but not by the PSOE and PCE. Giral’s decree creating volunteer battalions led by former army officers with a desire to bring order to the militias of the unions and parties and proposed to create a single People’s Army command.

The Collapse of State Power and Largo Caballero’s Government

In the summer and autumn of 1936, the power of the state suffered a near-total collapse. Committees, Councils, and Boards were organized everywhere. Some were integrated to form regional councils. That is, a political revolution was taking place while the social because of the limited authority of some Republican authorities (governors or mayors). It was necessary to find a man capable of carrying out the union of all the Republican forces. Then Azaña appointed Francisco Largo Caballero, a socialist, as Prime Minister.

His government began on September 5, 1936, and lasted until mid-May 1937. It was composed of Republicans, Socialists, and, for the first time, Communists, and even appointed four Anarcho-syndicalist ministers.

When Madrid was under siege, the government moved to Valencia.

His project was to create a large anti-fascist alliance with the rebels, eliminating boards and committees, but allowing advice. However, he struggled with the Anarcho-syndicalists and Communists who were undermining his government. His resignation triggered the events in Catalonia: the struggle for power led to clashes between the Government and Communist-syndicalists, Trotskyist Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) (the Soviet Communists were divided into two pre-coup given by Stalin in 1936 after expelling Trotsky), on the one hand, and the Republican parties and Stalinist Communists on the other. There were some murders of union leaders and an open struggle, for which the central government had to send forces to control public order (May events). Largo Caballero resigned and a new government was formed, headed by socialist Juan Negrín.

Negrín’s Government and the End of the War

Negrín remained in power until the end of the war. His government would not include trade unions, only political parties. He based its policy on the continuing military effort, and it was necessary to continue receiving foreign aid. He wanted the Republic to be recognized as the only legitimate power in Spain. He was not successful because, at the end of February 1939, Britain and France recognized the Franco government, and Manuel Azaña presented his resignation as President in Paris. Yet he always proposed a policy of resistance to the end, never ceasing to seek a deal with the enemy to safeguard the Republic and democracy. This proposed his “Agenda for the 13 points” (which later would be reduced to 3), which provided for the continuance of the Republic when the armed struggle ceased, after democratic elections. Franco never accepted it. Neither would he accept the absence of retaliation from the victors on the vanquished.

In the end, Negrín returned to Madrid, but his authority was superseded by the Defense Science Board, chaired by Colonel Casado, after a coup in the Republic, which would negotiate a surrender.