Spanish Second Republic: From Proclamation to Civil War

Posted on Nov 1, 2024 in History

The Spanish Second Republic (1931-1939)

Proclamation and Early Reforms (1931)

The proclamation of the Republic on April 14, 1931, marked Spain’s first attempt at a modern democratic system. Power shifted to the middle classes, facing hostility from traditional groups and revolutionary popular classes. The international climate was complex: Europe grappled with the 1929 economic crisis, and democratic systems weakened amidst rising totalitarianism (communism and fascism).

The Provisional Government and the Constitution of 1931

The Pact of San Sebastian signatories formed a Revolutionary Committee, proclaiming the Republic and prompting Alfonso XIII’s exile. A provisional government, led by Niceto Alcalá-Zamora, focused on land reform and religious freedom. Constituent Cortes elections, based on universal male suffrage (over 23), were held on June 28th with diverse party representation.

Provisional Government Reforms

• Regional Question (Catalonia): The government granted Catalonia autonomous status, addressing Francesc Macià’s declaration of a Catalan Republic. A statute of autonomy was drafted.
• Social Reforms: Largo Caballero, Labor Minister, implemented measures to alleviate peasant hardship, including the obligatory cultivation decree and municipal decree, prioritizing local workers. Other reforms included accident insurance and an eight-hour workday, facing landowner opposition.
• Educational Reform: Marcelino Domingo focused on eradicating illiteracy and promoting secular education. 7,000 schools were planned, and coeducation and non-compulsory religious education were introduced, facing opposition from the Church and conservatives.
• Military Reform: Manuel Azaña, Minister of War, aimed to modernize the army and ensure civilian control. Officers swore allegiance to the Republic, and retirement with full pay was offered. The Zaragoza Military Academy was closed. The reform faced varied military reactions, with some perceiving it as a campaign against the army.

The Constitution of 1931

The Constituent Assembly drafted a democratic constitution inspired by the Weimar Constitution. It established popular sovereignty, a comprehensive bill of rights (including universal suffrage for those over 23, including women for the first time), civil marriage and divorce, and the subordination of private property to public interest. Legislative power resided in the Cortes, the executive in the President (elected every six years), and an independent judiciary was established, with a Constitutional Court. The constitution allowed for the formation of autonomous regions but prohibited their federation. The “religious issue” sparked heated debates, leading to the dissolution of religious congregations with non-state allegiance, the separation of Church and State, and restrictions on religious education. The constitution, progressive in spirit, faced rejection from the Church and right-wing groups.

The Republican-Azana Biennium (1931-1933)

Religion and Secularization

The government aimed to reduce the Church’s influence, implementing secular laws on marriage, cemeteries, and education. Reactions included church burnings and Cardinal Segura’s opposition. Some Republican intellectuals, like Ortega y Gasset, expressed concern over the violence.

Land Reform and Social Issues

The Agrarian Reform Law of 1932 aimed to address land inequality and rural poverty. The IRA (Institute for Agrarian Reform) was established to expropriate uncultivated land. However, practical results were limited, facing landowner opposition and legal challenges.

Regional Issues

The Catalan Statute of Autonomy faced opposition from right-wing forces. In the Basque Country, the process was different, with strong ties to religion. The provision of autonomy raised suspicions from the right and the military.

End of the Biennium

. R eform policy for the biennium ended at the end to bring the unrest to many sectors of the population. Hence the opposition to reforming work Azana is generated both his left and right, understood both as extreme. Even the Socialists, dissatisfied with certain actions Azaña, were tempted to leave the coalition government after the events of Casas Viejas, peasant uprising that was brutally repressed. A) The polarization of the left. The Republican Constitution was not the result of a fact revolutionary, and was revolutionary in itself, and although it is true that most enlightened Spanish were well aware of this, the fact is that the resistance to reforms by the employer, agricultural or industrial, for the Church and other political and social forces, led to a polarization and extreme positions to some leftist organizations, especially the CNT (National Confederation of Labor, an anarchist), and the UGT (General Workers Union, socialist). The Communist Party of Spain, whose actions during the dictatorship had gone unnoticed began to take root in the countryside of Extremadura and Andalusia, and in the coalfields of Asturias and mining and industrial areas of Catalonia. The extreme polarization of the left led immediately to the armed conflict, often bloody, between the worker and peasant masses and the forces of public order (Civil Guard and Assault Guard). Castilblanco events, Arnedo and High Llobregat, in 1932, produced a dozen dead and led to the deportation to Guinea of ​​104 anarchists. These events were accompanied by occupation of farms, theft of crops and destruction of all kinds in Andalusia and La Mancha, and finally, the slaughter perpetrated in the village of Casas Viejas Cadiz, who left mortally wounded Reform Biennium. The Socialists withdrew their support for the government and this was in the minority. B) The polarization of the right and the dissolution of parliament. Sectarianism Azaña some decisions, especially as regards the Church, caused a deep malaise among many Catholics Many of them sincerely Republicans. The awkwardness and excesses of the Government in the suppression of peasant uprisings (Arnedo, Castilblanco, etc.) Added another factor to popular discontent, which was not only the right, discontent which was used to reorganize in parties and associations that can to deal with government policy. Manuel Azana government fell in September 1933 as a result of political disagreements between the parties that supported him (PSOE, the Republican Left Radical Party) concerning the facts of Casas Viejas, and its incompatibility with the president of the Republic, Alcalá Zamora. Given the difficulties of forming a new government, Alcalá Zamora dissolved the Parliament and called elections for Nov. 19. 3. RADICAL-CEDISTA BIENNIUM (NOVEMBER 1933-FEBRUARY 1936). POPULAR FRONT. 3.1. RADICAL-CEDISTA BIENNIUM (NOVEMBER 1933-FEBRUARY 1936).The widespread discontent against the Government, as well as from the left, from right, was used by conservative forces regroup and do battle electoral chances of success in the elections of November 19, 1933. From this date begins a new period: the Biennium Rights, or radicalcedista, according to some authors, or two black, as he called the left, which lasted until the new triumph of the Left, the Popular Front, in February 1936 . In the study of the biennium we will distinguish two periods: a) The radical period, or the government formed exclusively with members of the Radical Party (Lerroux and Ricardo Samper), between November 1933 and May 1934.b) radical period “CEDA, characterized by the entry of CEDA ministers in the government between May 1934 and February 1936. 3.1.1. The social foundations of the Republic of right and reorganization before the 1933 elections. The social basis of the change in 1933 were as follows: – The landowning oligarchy, which ignored both the decrees of the Provisional Government (and obligatory cultivation preferential hiring of day laborers in the municipality), and the Agrarian Reform Law, immediately organizing the National Association of Owners called Agrarian .- The employer, which coalesced around another pressure group, the Economic Union of Nacional.Resultados the elections of November 19, 1933 .- The conservative forces, or right in a broad sense, which includes the democratic right Republican, reorganized advantage of this situation. At first he made ​​around the Popular Action, which became the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights (CEDA), which joined the other Catholic organizations and agrarian oligarchies or right financieras.La had, moreover, supported by the Catholic hierarchy. The alternative right is in a position, from that time to deal electorally left coalition government. The polarization of a portion of the right gave rise to two new configurations: the JONS Falange and Spanish. To properly assess the electoral results of 1933 should be borne in mind that the Electoral Act at the time favored punishing electoral coalitions and the dispersion of the vote. I was right in mind, hence its ability to exploit this window of opportunity to proceed with the formation of the CEDA, actually a coalition of parties or groups so far dispersed. However, although the number of seats won by the right was much higher than those obtained by the left, this difference was much smaller in terms of votes received by the two (3.365 million on the right compared to 3,118,000 from left), counting also with more than two million votes from the center, which accounted for Par Tido Radical mostly. 3.1.2. Radical governments: the “rectification” of the work of reform. The President, Niceto Alcalá-Zamora, ordered to form a government after the 1933 elections the Radical Party, but the winner was the CEDA. The Radical Party to stay in power needed parliamentary support from other parties, mainly from the CEDA, so had no choice but to accept the ideological positions of the coalition that called, above all, an impediment to reforms of the first biennium. In religious matters mocks the previous legislation, the State will continue paying part of their salary to the priests, did not apply the law conflicted congregations, and Catholic schools continued to function normally.From the standpoint of labor Terms Act repealed and was granted more power to the landowners, who returned to pay starvation wages, resulting in peasant radicalization. In the military, was not touched Azaña reform, but were pardoned the military who participated in the Sanjurjo. The consequences of these events were multiple, the Radical Party split in two, left the Republican parties were reorganized to form the Republican Left, and the workers and peasants movements radicalized further, further increasing tension. In the regional aspect, there was a conflict or confrontation with the Generalitat of Catalonia directed by Ezquerra, and blocked the proposed statute for the Basque Country, which made ​​possible the reconciliation between nationalists and socialists. 3.1.3. The lifting of the left. Revolutionary insurgency in October of 1934. The entry of three CEDA ministers in the government immediately provoked radical reaction of some sections of the Left, which believed that this measure he betrayed the Republic. At the moment it began a campaign of strikes throughout the country, giving way to other more serious events, as were the armed uprising in Madrid and most of the country, although these are of greater severity in Asturias and Catalonia. In some places located in areas landowners armed uprising also coated extreme violence. A) The uprising in Catalonia. In Catalonia, the conflict was political rather than social characteristics. For this reason had so little sympathy among media workers. While it is true that the Workers’ Alliance, whose most active elements were the Communists, called for a general strike, the fact remains that this was against the central government’s social policy and not in favor of the Generalitat of Catalonia. President Lluís Companys was proclaimed the Catalan Republic, the Estat Català, within the Spanish Federal Republic. The Catalan Republic was dissolved rapidly, but so little aggressive, taking into account the seriousness of the facts. It took only a few guns of the army, led by General Batet, on the seat of the Generalitat of Catalonia to end the attempted Companys, who was arrested with the rest of the Government of the Generalitat. B) The uprising in Asturias. In Asturias, on the contrary, the armed movement was essentially social and revolutionary. The movement sought to transcend the Spaniard of the bourgeois Republic, to be replaced by a workers’ state, similar to the model installed in Stalin’s Russia. This is at least implied that the pact between the CNT and the UGT to abolish the bourgeois regime. Both groups participated united under the symbol UHP (Brothers Union of Workers) which also included other left-wing forces. The radical wing of the PSOE led by Largo Caballero was imposed and the party took a turn to the left no doubt in betraying the republican cause. The specifics of the Asturian uprising is the struggle of civil elements, equipped with weapons taken to the army or the police with dynamite and mines taken against an army corps brought from Africa and led by General Franco from Madrid to quell the rebellion. It was therefore a genuine workers’ revolution pursued by the control of political power by the workers. The uprising, which was rooted primarily in the mining, carried out massacres of civilians, even to the occupation of the capital city, Oviedo, which was partially destroyed by the dynamite of the rebels. The balance was scary since it is not a conventional war declared: nearly 1,500 dead, a much higher number of casualties, which in any case exceed 2,000, and 30,000 arrests.c) The resurgence of government policy. After the events of October and nothing would be beaten. The CEDA as the dominant force fund was used to punish the perpetrators of the uprising in Asturias, many leaders of the PSOE were imprisoned, and ana, which did not contribute to the rapprochement of positions but just the opposite. With regard to Catalonia, with the Government of the Generalitat in prison, suspended the statute of autonomy. Socially held a draft reform of the agrarian reform law and more reactionary measures. In the military was exalted to the highest ranks of the military known for their questionable loyalty antiazañismo and Republican: Fanjul, Goded, Franco … that would be the protagonists of the uprising against the Republic in 36 would lead to the Civil War. It was also shuffle the possibility of reforming the 1931 Constitution. 3.1.4. The end of the experience right in the Second Republic. The experience of the Republic of right, was marked by instability, their doubts and their inactivity rather than its reactionary nature, much less totalitarian, as believed or pretended to believe the left. As in the previous biennium, the government came under internal and external tensions, in the first case between radicals and cedistas. For as far as external pressures, these were extreme: the extreme right was accused of being lukewarm, if not complicity against the left and the extreme left and the reactionary left, if not fascism. However, and regardless of what is stated, the immediate cause of depletion radicalcedista biennium is to be found in two facts: the consequences of the revolution in Asturias and political corruption scandals, especially the black market. The black market was one of the most blatant cases of corruption and splashed himself to key members of the Radical Party, especially Lerroux adopted son, who took bribes from the hands of foreign businessmen called Strauss and Perel (hence the name black market) to enter the Spanish casinos roulette trick. The President, before the issue out into the open, change the prime minister, but will do everything possible not to appoint Gil Robles, who was the leader of the largest party, this was due to enmity personal between them and the fear of the radicalization of the left to this hypothetical appointment as Gil-Robles was considered a hypocritical and false “a fascist. The reaction of Gil Robles was exploring the possibility of a coup, also betrayed the Republic, but Franco himself discouraged. The last answer of the leader of the CEDA was to withdraw its parliamentary support, which was indispensable to any government. This led to a dead whose only way out was the convening of elections for February 16, 1936 of which would triumphantly left, grouped around the Popular Front. 3.2. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE (February-July 1936). Throughout 1935, successive governments cedistas radically accentuated his moderate policy, which reassured Washington and London. With the specter of an imminent Marxist revolution, the right-wing CEDA harassed, accusing it of tibia, and José Calvo Sotelo, who was exiled to the proclamation of the Republic, returned to take over the monarchist National Bloc, with a totalitarian program. In contrast, the UGT Caballero pushed into ever more radical positions, very close to those of the Communists since the October Revolution were gaining popularity and prestige. Meanwhile still growing fascism in Europe, especially since the head of Hitler combined it with the State Government and proceeded to rearm Germany. Berlin policy fascinated authoritarian movements in Europe, but instilled fear of the Democrats. For his part, confirmed his ideas Mussolini’s imperialist invasion of Abyssinia (Ethiopia).3.2.1. Training and Popular Front program. With this background, international communism changed strategy. From now on, the choice would not be among the proletariat and bourgeoisie, but between fascism and democracy. Hence, future policy must occur through the establishment of Popular Fronts, which involved an alliance between the proletariat and middle classes, the socialist and communist parties with fascist bourgeoisie, against the common enemy. The task of the Communists would not, for now, make a revolution, but to stop fascism. 3.2.2. The elections of February 1936. The soon-front theory could be implemented in Spain, for the prestige of the Government engaged in bribery and financial scandals attributed to members of the Radical Party would lead the call for elections for February 16 1936, on his first lap. Putting aside their differences temporarily, the former Republican and Socialist was prepared for consultation with the signing of an electoral alliance, or the Popular Front, which would be represented left and much of the progressive forces. His program emphasized the restoration of the reform policy of the first two and the granting of an amnesty for the prisoners of the October Revolution, as appeared in The Socialist (January 16, 1936) and included the following key points: – amnesty for the rebels of 1934 and for all those accused of political and social attacks since 1933, and prosecution of all guilty of “violence” to suppress political attacks on their positions .- Replacement of all workers and employees dismissed on public policy and full compensation for all losses suffered by them .- Reform Constitutional Court to exclude the influence of conservative, reform the judicial system in order to establish their independence, social justice issue and accelerate its speed and effectiveness. – Restoration of the authority of all sections of the Republican Constitution, reform of the Courts (…), organic passage of legislation to ensure the functioning of provincial and municipal governments, reform of law enforcement agencies with the object to obtain greater protection for individual rights .- Continuation of the agrarian reform under leases and greater security for smallholders; reducing taxes (…), enhanced technical assistance for smallholders .- Protection of small producers and small businesses, tax reform and industrial tariffs, encourage production, expansion of public works .- Holding the operation of the Bank of Spain to the public interest regulation and improving the functioning of banks and savings institutions .- Restoration of all social legislation of 1931-1933, increased wages, comprehensive housing program, extension of education to all niveles.Este program was essentially reformist. Overflowed the original position of the republican left, but away from the obsession that anticlerical, in the past, so much energy had been subtracted. Stipulated agreement on a set of minimum principles for an electoral coalition, but not a government plan for a right coalición.Aunque got form alliances in many provinces, lacked the sense of unity that gave the victory in 1933 CEDA . The experience of two years of power passed bill to the center-right, with disagreements and divisions similar to those suffered by the left before the last election. Benefited now left an election law that encouraged the formation of coalitions, candidates of the Popular Front seized the center-right their seats and got to play the absolute majority needed to govern. Not meant in any way that the right was finished, receiving more support than in 1933, but had collapsed the dream of President, Alcalá Zamora, to establish a strong center.3.2.3. Social conflict. The election results, with its attendant manifestations of triumph, led, since the night of the election, the first attempts of power between the losers and other maneuvers that did not bode well for the Republic. despite good ana will, called to form a government, political life could not regain his pulse, suffocated by the proletarian radicalism and degradation of public order. Again burned convents and churches, while more severe wave of street gangsterism, and members of right-wing legal organizations abandon them in droves to military extremist movements. The Falange, which was receiving financial support from the Italian fascists, multiplied its acts of violence and attacks. The continuing rumors of coup provoked an intense anti-militarism in the leftist press which contributed to the climate of violence. The situation was further complicated when Congress decided to depose Alcalá Zamora from his post as president and used the legal device of declaring that the dissolution of the previous Court order for him was not necessary, which entailed immediate dismissal . In May 1936, Manuel Azana was promoted to the presidency, losing remarkable capacity for action, it lacked the executive duties assigned by the Constitution to the head of Gobierno.Durante the months of June and July, both the countryside and cities witnessed the revolutionary agitation. Starving peasants occupied land in Salamanca, Extremadura and Andalusia, but the police managed to avoid. On July 12, unknown gunmen-Falangists in all likelihood killed Lieutenant Castillo of the Assault Guard the next day was assassinated José Calvo Sotelo, leader of the parliamentary right, at the hands of a group of law enforcement trying to avenge the death of his partner. The whole of Spain shook, fearful or hopeful, suspecting that the military plot could be about to jump into the light. 3.2.4. The conspiracy against the Popular Front government. It was a mistake to allocate Republic General Mola to Pamplona in their desire to move away from Madrid to the military suspects. There, quiet, won the requete, the armed wing of Carlism, and erected a director of the conspiracy that from the Popular Front victory monarchists some leaders had been launched. Franco and the generals also Goded at their destinations in the Canary Islands and Balearic Islands, respectively, were machined to taste, until you find the time. On July 17, 1936, the Melilla garrison revolted and declared a state of war in Morocco, shooting the mechanism that would lead Spain to its most cruel civil war. From the Canary Islands, Francisco Franco flew to Tetuan to take command of the army fighting “African” as the uprising was underway in the Peninsula to the discomfiture of the government of Casares Quiroga, who lost a decisive hours without taking any action. Within days, the failure of the uprising in the main cities in Spain, fighting between insurgent forces and those loyal to the Government became a civil war in which General Franco soon acquired a decisive role.