The Crisis of the Parliamentary Monarchy in Spain (1917-1923)

Post-WWI Social and Political Tensions

The years following World War I were a period of intense conflict across Europe, and Spain was no exception. The end of the wartime economic boom exacerbated social tensions, while the failure to fully democratize the political system and the disastrous defeat at Annual in the Moroccan War led conservative forces to seek a solution in a military dictatorship.

Coalition governments repeatedly failed, giving way to the Turno system, where conservatives and liberals alternated in power. Between 1918 and 1923, Spain saw ten different governments, none lasting a full year. Despite resorting to electoral fraud, neither dynastic party could secure a parliamentary majority, leading to a reliance on emergency measures, suspension of constitutional guarantees, and the closure of Parliament.

Fragmentation of the Courts

Amidst this institutional crisis, the army’s political influence grew. It became the primary instrument for suppressing revolutionary episodes and presented itself as a force capable of saving the monarchy.

Opposition parties, mainly republicans and socialists, struggled to establish a unified platform with broad electoral support. The Radical Party, led by Alejandro Lerroux, lost its working-class base and drifted towards conservatism. Melquiades Alvarez’s Reform Party distanced itself from republicans and socialists, aligning with the dynastic left (liberals). The remaining republican opposition was fragmented and lacked effective leadership.

The Socialist Party (PSOE) experienced growth in membership and electoral strength. Its new leaders, Julián Besteiro and Indalecio Prieto, favored parliamentarism and moderate reform. However, the Russian Revolution sparked internal conflict. A faction led by Francisco Largo Caballero supported the Bolsheviks and the Third International. Unable to reconcile with the rest of the party, this group split from the PSOE in 1921 to form the Communist Party of Spain, which, despite limited influence, had active branches in Vizcaya and Asturias.

Labor Conflict

In the aftermath of WWI, union membership surged, particularly within the anarchist CNT (National Confederation of Labor). The Sants Congress played a crucial role in this growth, marking the union’s resurgence after years of suppression. It established the Sole Union of Industry, aiming to replace traditional trade unions, and reaffirmed its apolitical stance and commitment to direct negotiations between workers and employers, without the intervention of political parties or the state.

The “Bolshevik Triennium” in Andalusia

In Andalusia, rural poverty, exacerbated by rising prices and inspired by the Soviet revolution, led to the so-called “Bolshevik Triennium” (1918-1921). Anarchists, and to a lesser extent socialists, spearheaded peasant revolts. They burned crops, occupied land, redistributed property, and even seized control of some municipalities through strike committees. Their actions were driven by land hunger, declining wages, and deteriorating living conditions. The government’s declaration of a state of war, closure of labor organizations, and arrest of their leaders eventually quelled the rebellion.

Strikes in Industrial Regions

The strike movement also impacted numerous industrial regions, most notably Barcelona. In 1919, a strike erupted at La Canadiense, the company supplying electricity to most of the city. Lasting a month and a half, it ended with an agreement that included reinstatement of dismissed workers, wage increases, and the eight-hour workday. However, the employer’s failure to release detainees reignited the strike, prompting business closures and harsh repression against unions.

The labor conflict escalated into extreme radicalization on both sides, which the military authorities exploited to seize control and impose forceful repression. Spain lived under a state of emergency with suspended constitutional guarantees.

Some anarchist groups engaged in violent activism, targeting authorities, employers, and law enforcement. In response, businessmen and employers formed the Employers’ Federation to counter the power of unions. They hired gunmen to assassinate labor leaders, frequently resorted to lockouts to thwart worker demands, and encouraged the creation of company unions.

Pistolerismo in Barcelona

Following a general strike call by the Employers’ Federation in Barcelona, General Martínez Anido was appointed civil governor. He implemented a brutal security policy, collaborating with the employers’ gunmen and unleashing severe repression against trade unionists. He also implemented the Ley de Fugas (“Law of Escapes”), which allowed police to shoot prisoners allegedly attempting to flee. This ushered in the era known as Pistolerismo (1916-1923), marked by over 800 attacks resulting in 226 deaths, including prominent business and labor leaders like Eduardo Dato and Salvador Seguí.

The Moroccan Conflict

The Spanish protectorate in Morocco was an economically marginal and geographically challenging territory, hindering effective occupation by the Spanish army. The Compañía Española de África initially enjoyed limited support from some mining companies but soon lost interest due to the protectorate’s poor economic prospects. The popular classes, whose sons were conscripted to defend the colony, strongly opposed another colonial war. Politicians lacked clear objectives, urging the military to avoid confrontation and criticizing wartime failures.

The army was also divided, with tensions between the Peninsular army and the Africanista officers stationed in Morocco.

During WWI, the protectorate remained relatively calm. However, after the war and under pressure from renewed French intervention in the region, Spanish authorities decided to resume military operations to secure control. To minimize casualties, they recruited Regulares (Moroccan colonial troops). Operations in the western zone, around Ceuta and Tétouan, were successful, but in the east, the Riffians offered fierce resistance.

The Disaster of Annual

In July 1921, General Manuel Fernández Silvestre launched a campaign to expand Spanish control around Melilla, advancing deep into the Rif without securing supply lines or his rear. The Riffians, led by Abd el-Krim, responded swiftly, launching a surprise attack on the Spanish outpost at Annual. This caused a rout among the Spanish troops, who lost all occupied territory and suffered 13,000 casualties, including General Silvestre himself.

The Annual disaster exposed the army’s poor organization. Although reinforcements quickly recovered the lost ground, the event had significant repercussions for the stability of the political system.

The Expediente Picasso

Parliamentary investigations sought to determine political and military responsibility for the Annual disaster. A commission was appointed to produce a report, known as the Expediente Picasso, to be presented to the Cortes (Parliament).

The report sparked heated debates and faced opposition from the army, which sought to suppress it, fearing it might implicate military leaders and even the monarchy itself. Allegedly, General Silvestre, encouraged by his friend King Alfonso XIII, a supporter of Moroccan expansion, had launched the offensive without necessary precautions.

The case never reached the courts. Days before the scheduled parliamentary discussion, Primo de Rivera launched his coup d’état, ending the parliamentary monarchy and ushering in a period of dictatorship.