The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain
Background
On September 13, 1923, General Primo de Rivera challenged the constitutional legality of declaring a state of war. He demanded that Alfonso XIII transfer power to the military, a demand the king accepted. Spain was in need of reforms following the events of the Moroccan War. Primo de Rivera received support from the military, police aligned with the monarchy, and the ruling classes. He was promoted as a solution to the instability caused by Spain’s desire to avoid accountability to the Cortes for the events of the Moroccan War.
Inauguration and Goals
In his inaugural address, Primo de Rivera criticized “old politics” and announced his determination to rid the country of warlords and banditry. He aimed to end political and social indiscipline and threats to national unity. It’s argued that he didn’t intend to end a defunct regime but rather prevent the existing political regime from democratizing. Indeed, the last government under Garcia Prieto had attempted to reform the Constitution, Electoral Law, the party system, industrial relations, and the king’s powers. These efforts were halted by the dictatorship’s closure of Parliament.
Phases of the Dictatorship
The dictatorship had two phases. Until 1925, the Directory was ruled by a military board composed of soldiers. From that year onward, civilian personalities like Jose Calvo Sotelo (Finance) and Eduardo Aunós (Labor) were included as ministers, transforming the Directory into a civilian board.
Early Actions and Repression
The Directory’s initial actions included suspending constitutional rule, dissolving legislative chambers, sidelining civil authorities, and prohibiting political parties and trade unions. This was accompanied by the militarization of public order and repression of radical workers. To eliminate local political bosses, a Municipal Statute and a Provincial Statute were implemented. Councils were dissolved and replaced by appointed boards composed of major contributors in each locality, referred to as “civilians.”
The Moroccan Conflict
During the dictatorship’s first stage, the conflict in Morocco was a central concern for Primo de Rivera, who personally assumed the role of High Commissioner in Morocco in 1924. The following year, in collaboration with France, he organized the Alhucemas landing (1925), which resulted in a significant victory. After several defeats, Abd el-Krim surrendered to French troops. By 1927, the Spanish army had completed the occupation of the entire protectorate in Morocco.
Attempts at Institutionalization
From 1926 onward, Primo de Rivera abandoned the idea of a temporary dictatorship followed by a return to constitutional rule. He attempted to institutionalize his regime and ensure its continuity, drawing clear inspiration from Italian fascism. The path towards an authoritarian regime began with the convening of a National Consultative Assembly in 1927. This assembly had a corporate character, as its members were not elected but appointed or chosen by major public institutions (municipalities, universities, administrations, employers, and labor representatives). Universal suffrage was completely disregarded.
Patriotic Union and Social Support
To foster support for the new system, a party called the Patriotic Union was created. This governmental party lacked a defined ideological agenda and primarily aimed to provide social support for the dictatorship and follow its directives. Its members were mainly drawn from the ranks of Catholicism, officials from various administrations, and the rural wealthy. The old institution of the Somatén (armed citizen volunteers) was also revived to assist in maintaining peace.
Economic and Social Policies
The dictatorship benefited from a favorable international economic climate that began in the “happy” years following World War I. The regime launched a program to develop the Spanish economy, focusing on industry and infrastructure, but neglecting agrarian issues. The guiding principle was the nationalization of key economic sectors and increased state intervention. The state played a significant role through the promotion of public works (railways, roads, hydropower plans, etc.).
The government approved the Decree of National Industry Protection, which provided state aid to companies unable to compete internationally. Large monopolies were also granted, such as the Compañía Telefónica Nacional de España for telephony and exclusive rights for oil importation, refining, distribution, and sale to the Campsa company. These initiatives were financed through Extraordinary Budgets, resulting in a balanced regular state budget each year but accumulating a large extraordinary debt. The agrarian sector remained in the hands of large landowners without any reforms, although irrigation was promoted through the creation of Hydrographic Confederations, aiming to maximize water resource use in major river basins.
In the social sphere, the dictatorship implemented a labor regulation model that sought to eliminate labor disputes through state intervention, integration of moderate labor movement elements, and repression of more radical organizations. The National Corporate Organization was established, bringing together employers and workers in large corporations (vertical unionism). Labor disputes were regulated through joint committees composed of equal numbers of employers and workers. Their mission was to regulate wages and working conditions, as well as mediate and arbitrate in cases of conflict. The system was initially well-received, though not in all aspects, by the UGT, which was able to operate with some freedom under the regime. Anarcho-syndicalists and communists, however, were persecuted and forced to operate underground.
Opposition to the Dictatorship
Opposition to the dictatorship came from various groups, including leaders of dynastic parties, republicans, nationalists, communists, anarchists, certain military sectors, and almost all intellectuals. The old dynastic parties criticized the regime’s excessive duration, and several military leaders participated in conspiracies like the “San Juan” plot in June 1926. Another similar attempt was led by the conservative politician José Sánchez Guerra (1929), which also had some military support.
The dictatorship attempted to tightly control intellectuals and academics through censorship and limitations on their freedom, even closing universities. This led to student protests and the formation of the Federación Universitaria Española (FUE), a republican student union. The confrontation between intellectuals and the dictatorship involved figures like Miguel de Unamuno, José Ortega y Gasset, Vicente Blasco Ibáñez, and Ramón Menéndez Pidal. In 1924, over a hundred intellectuals signed a manifesto against the regime’s cultural policies. The repression was swift: Unamuno was exiled to Fuerteventura, and Blasco Ibáñez went abroad, where he campaigned against the king and the dictator.
The most persistent political conflict, however, came from republicanism and nationalism, particularly Catalan nationalism. Republican opposition was constant and organized through the Republican Alliance, which brought together various factions of the movement and developed a comprehensive propaganda campaign abroad. In Catalonia, Primo de Rivera’s measures, including the liquidation of the Commonwealth (1925) and the prohibition of public use of Catalan and the Sardana dance, were perceived as deeply anti-Catalan. This caused significant alienation, even among sectors like the Regionalist League of Cambó, which had initially accepted the dictatorship with some sympathy. The opposition from left-wing and republican Catalanism was even more decisive, with the Estat Català group attempting an armed invasion led by Francesc Macià from Prats de Mollo (France) in 1926.
The CNT also opposed the regime and was heavily persecuted, leading to internal conflicts between supporters of radical and violent positions and those who advocated more moderate approaches (like Ángel Pestaña). In July 1927, the former created the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI). The PSOE also shifted its position by 1929, openly rejecting the regime’s continuity and advocating for a republic.
The Fall of Primo de Rivera
Growing opposition to Primo de Rivera intensified when the king and his advisors realized that the dictatorship threatened the monarchy’s survival. The king withdrew his support, and Primo de Rivera resigned on January 30, 1930.
Aftermath and the Transition to the Second Republic
General Dámaso Berenguer was appointed to replace Primo de Rivera, tasked with holding elections to restore constitutional normality (“soft dictatorship”). The opposition began organizing, and republicans, left-wing Catalanists, and the PSOE signed the Pact of San Sebastián (August 1930). This pact outlined a program for participating in elections and forming a revolutionary committee to establish a provisional republic if necessary. Berenguer failed to prepare for elections and was replaced in February 1931 by a government led by Admiral Juan Bautista Aznar-Cabañas, who scheduled elections at three levels: municipal, provincial, and legislative. The government decided to hold municipal elections first, believing them to be the least dangerous for the monarchy. They were scheduled for April 12, 1931. The government attempted to return to normality as if nothing had happened, but Alfonso XIII had become too closely associated with the dictatorship. The elections were seen as a plebiscite on the monarchy.