The Farewell Manifesto of Alfonso XIII: A Historical Analysis
Alfonso XIII
Rating: This circumstantial political document, the manifesto of farewell to the country by D. Alfonso XIII, King of Spain, was read by members of his government in the last cabinet meeting of his reign on April 14, 1931. It was prepared following the orders of the monarch, the Duke of Maura, who was the labor minister. After the council, the king left Madrid for Cartagena, where a ship took him into exile. A few days later, he traveled to France by train with his wife and children. That same morning, the newspaper ABC published the manifesto.
Analysis: As can be seen in his reading, Alfonso XIII abdicates but does not renounce the crown; he resorts to the formula of suspending the exercise of royal power. To understand the text, we must define the following terms: Manifesto: a public declaration of political intentions. Alfonso XIII de Bourbon was King of Spain from his accession until the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931, assuming power at age 16 in 1902. Prerrogativas: privileges held by someone in charge.
Context: The reign of Alfonso XIII was frustrating for him and for most Spaniards. Since he assumed the throne at age 16, ending the regency of his mother, it marked one of the most critical periods in Spain. The legacy of the past passed intact to the Second Republic, which ultimately led to the bloody Spanish Civil War of 1936. Thus, it is easy to understand the king’s disappointment upon setting foot on Spanish soil for the last time, reflecting on how little he achieved during his reign, for which he was primarily responsible.
Comment: Before swearing the constitution, the king addressed Spain’s problems: social reform, an army and navy lacking ships, governors and mayors who did not fulfill the law, disrupted services, reviving the economy, and secessionist movements. His limited years and astounding ignorance of Spain’s issues were evident. The king did not mention the religious question, as it was not truly a religious issue; as cleric Canalejas noted, the clergy showed little sensitivity to the unjust conditions of life faced by the working classes. This caused widespread hatred of the clergy. The majority of Spaniards were industrial and agricultural workers living in painful and unfair labor conditions, with little hope for improvement. With a high illiteracy rate, their struggles were not akin to the more radical and utopian European union movements seeking immediate solutions, often resorting to violence to combat injustice. The beginning of Alfonso XIII’s reign coincided with a new political landscape following the deaths of Sagasta and Canovas, leading to the emergence of groups with their respective leaders in both liberal and conservative factions. New politicians (Maura, Canalejas, Dato) promoted regenerationist reforms for Spain. Maura sought to revive public awareness to identify the true official Spain and end the chieftaincy. Canalejas, from the Liberal Party, insisted on this approach. Between 1902 and 1907, a succession of conservative and liberal governments emerged. We must also highlight the economic measures undertaken by the conservative Fernández Villaverde and the confrontation between the army and Catalan nationalism. The military’s increasing tension stemmed from a ‘guilt complex’ following the colonial disaster, demanding a law that would allow crimes against the country to be tried in courts-martial under military law. Between 1907 and 1912, the alternation between liberals and conservatives continued. This period saw the development of the framework law on local government. Maura’s work resulted in significant legislative reform and the promotion of industries, maritime communications, and internal colonization. In 1909, following conflicts on the border with Melilla, forces were recruited, leading to severe disorders in Barcelona (the tragic week), pressuring Maura to resign. The 1909-12 period was marked by Canalejas’s struggle to submit the church and its institutions to state control and civil law. The famous lock Act prohibited the creation of new religious establishments. Other progressive measures included decentralization and the elimination of cash redemption for military service. To gain the friendship of labor organizations, the state established arbitration in social and labor conflicts, but this did not prevent strikes by the anarchist CNT union. In 1912, Canalejas was assassinated by an anarchist, marking the beginning of the crisis for the dynastic parties.
With the outbreak of World War I, in which Spain remained neutral, the economy prospered as Spain supplied food to the warring countries. This situation of prosperity, albeit unequal, strengthened big business and the bourgeoisie while condemning many to misery due to excessive price increases. Before the war ended, the great crisis of 1917 had socio-political consequences. This social unrest was compounded by political discontent against the government led by conservative Eduardo Dato. In July 1917, a meeting of parliamentarians was held in Barcelona at the request of regionalist liberal Cambó, proposing to convene a Constituent Assembly, but it received little support. The military were dissatisfied with the disparity between the mainland and Africa. Thus arose the boards of defense reform programs, championed and supported by the proposed renewal of the assembly in Barcelona. By August, the UGT and CNT prepared a general strike to promote a fundamental change in the political regime, as demonstrated by writings from Julián Besteiro. By 1921, this critical perspective was exacerbated by the military’s discontent following the disastrous Annual campaign in Morocco, which resulted in over 12,000 dead soldiers. On September 11, Captain-General Primo de Rivera staged a military coup, marking the definitive end of the Canovist system, the suspension of the 1876 constitution, and parliamentary life, leading to a divorce between the king and the political class. The dictatorship brought public investment and improved communications, establishing a large network of schools and vocational education. However, the political balance was poorer after the dictatorship fell, and the monarch was deemed primoriverista. The new government of General Berenguer was unable to rectify the alterations caused by the dictatorship, paving the way for the advent of the Second Republic. During Berenguer’s term, the Pact of San Sebastián was signed, in which Republicans, Socialists, and left-wing Catalan nationalists sought to overthrow the monarchy, contending with military coup leaders who killed Galán and García Hernández. This reflected a lack of vision regarding the gravity of the moment, as ministers failed to recognize the urgent need for reforms in the Spanish political system. In February 1931, Admiral Aznar’s government took charge of calling elections for April 12.
The farewell of Alfonso XIII refers to the elections held on April 12, indicating that he no longer had the love of his people; the proclamation of the Second Republic was not a model of legal proceedings.
Idea, Conclusion, and Scope: The text signifies the fall of the monarchy. In conclusion, we believe the king bears responsibility for this failure. The deep chasm between a small oligarchy of industrialists, financiers, and landlords and a majority of industrial and agricultural workers, who genuinely sought to improve their living conditions, generated stress and tension within the country, exacerbated by serious issues such as the Moroccan conflict. The caciques prevented the vote from reflecting its true dimensions in a parliamentary system; this was not solely the work of the chiefs but also the patronage that fostered traditional apathy, picaresque behavior, and inertia among the Spanish populace. It is true that Alfonso XIII was unable to break the barriers surrounding official policy to connect with the harsh reality faced by Spaniards and ensure the participation of leftist parties and the opposition. However, he did not attempt to rectify the situation effectively and resorted to forced solutions. Thus, the king consented to a dictatorship welcomed by a populace weary of disorder and inefficiency.
Nevertheless, we must not forget that it was within his power to promote constitutional reform. Regardless, we cannot, with today’s understanding of democracy, demand democratic behavior from a king of his time.