The First Dictatorship of the Twentieth Century in Spain
The Causes of the Coup
To understand the military coup that ushered in the first dictatorship of the twentieth century, it must be placed in the political circumstances that made it possible.
International Causes
Events that emerged after the 1st World War:
The triumph of the Bolshevik revolution created fear among the middle classes.
The rise of Italian Fascism in Italy arose to counter the Marxist danger of revolution. In central Europe, Japan, and the Balkans, authoritarian schemes were planned in Germany under Hitler’s shadow. Without being a fascist, Primo de Rivera was an admirer of Mussolini, and King Alfonso XIII came to call him “my Mussolini.”
The crisis of democracy was enhanced after the crash of 1929, which necessitated government intervention to solve economic problems.
Internal Causes
The depletion of the Restoration system and the crisis led to the fragmentation and ineffectiveness of political parties. On the left, the radicalization of socialism led to the founding of the Communist Party of Spain from the most extreme fringe of the PSOE.
The growing role of the military in political life walked in parallel with its ineffectiveness as an armed body, as demonstrated in the Disaster of Annual.
The plight of public order, political corruption, rising prices, and bleeding claimed a permanent “surgical” price policy.
The rise of peripheral nationalisms. Catalan and Basque nationalism was frowned upon, even though they were very moderate, except for some groups, who helped raise the concern of the Spanish nationalist forces.
Stages of the Dictatorship
The Pronouncement
On December 13, 1923, Miguel Primo de Rivera led a coup that succeeded in the country and was seen favorably by King Alfonso XIII. With this, the fate of the Spanish monarchy was linked to the dictator, and his downfall dragged Alfonso XIII. It has not been demonstrated that the king promoted the coup, but no doubt he was aware. In addition, Alfonso XIII was constrained by a constitution that left him little leeway. The king consulted with Antonio Maura on whether he should lead a dictatorship, but the former leaders made him see that it was up to the military. To make the coup succeed, Primo de Rivera’s military prestige was supported by Sanjurjo in Zaragoza and the military governor of Madrid, Duke of Tetuan. García Prieto asked the king to dismiss the military rebels, but he refused. In reaction to this, the government resigned. Then the king called Primo de Rivera to take over the government, and by Royal Decree of September 15, 1923, took the “Chairman of the Military Directorate responsible for State Governors.” That same day, he issued a “Manifesto to the country and the army,” where he expressed his intention to free Spain from the professionals of the old policy and reform. Thus began a personalistic and paternalistic policy. His relations with the king were sometimes difficult, hence the phrase “I do not borbonea anyone.” The dictator did not intend to establish a permanent regime. This contradiction between the political settlement of the Restoration and the provisional nature of the dictatorial system would turn against him. The coup was possible due to the attitude of two forces: the bourgeoisie and the labor movement. The bourgeoisie sided with the dictatorship and thus stopped the working class. But they left the dictator when they realized that his system did not serve to maintain and save the economic structure. The workers were quiet, and anarcho-syndicalists and communists were prepared to defend its existence. Instead, the Socialists and the UGT grew from an expectant attitude to acceptance and collaboration over nearly seven years.
Military Directory
The policy measures taken were the following:
The publication of a manifesto to the Spanish set forth the policy guidelines, the most important being fighting despotism, the restoration of public order, and regeneration.
The control by the army of all the springs of American life because the Board was an advisory body. The state declared a state of war to take power and replaced the old civil military governors, which would be the instrument for the fight against despotism.
Dissolution of Congress and the Senate elective, the suspension of constitutional guarantees, and the censorship of the press.
Military Board Policy
The dictatorship proposed to solve the country’s most serious conflicts with authority and order because of the failure of the political system of the Restoration: chieftaincy, nationalism, the problem of Morocco, and the public. The enactment of the Municipal Statute of 1924, inspired by Jose Calvo Sotelo, was the key weapon in the fight against despotism. Action against public disorder produced immediate effects. The ban on demonstrations and censorship of the press were the two instruments to combat crime. To assist law enforcement groups, they attempted to extend the Catalan Somaten institution to all of Spain. Primo de Rivera was awkward and reluctant to acknowledge the Catalan differential fact. He suppressed the Catalan flag and anthem and closed Catalan FC Barcelona and the Orfeo Catala. In the Basque Country, the dictatorship’s attitude was very similar. They shut down Aberri, the newspaper of the PNV.
The Civil Directory (1925-1930)
After the success of the lands of Al Hoceima, the Civilian Board was created. The triumph of Al Hoceima and the resolution of the problem of Morocco added to the economic successes of the Military Directory. The key policy elements of the dictatorship were:
The Patriotic Union, created by the dictator, was a movement more than a game. It tried to bring people together around monarchical and democratic ideals, which abide by the Constitution of 1876. But by failing to comply with the dictatorship, it broke with the regime. These National Catholic Action Propagandists, Angel Herrera, would come out as the representatives of the National Assembly that would draft a new constitution.
The National Consultative Assembly. The success of the dictatorship led to the idea of institutionalizing and creating a new regime. With the plebiscite of 1926, the Consultative Assembly drafted a new constitution for the dictatorship, but this did not prosper because:
Its illegitimacy. Constituent elections did not precede the formation of the Constituent National Assembly.
It had significant democratic deficits. Sovereignty did not watch the national but was shared between the courts and the king, or the division of powers.
There were so many difficulties that it never entered into force, which was very serious because the dictatorship showed its inability to create something original.
Economy and Society During the Dictatorship
The dictator underwent an interventionist economic policy, and proof of this was:
The control of all productive sectors and monitoring of economic activities. For this, he created a Regulatory Committee of Industrial Production.
Aid and grants of public money to domestic companies.
The strengthening of tariff protectionism to avoid foreign competition.
The increase in public investment to finance road networks and irrigation works.
The creation of monopolies, CAMPSA, and Telefónica.
The results were the decline in strikes, the completion of modern public works, and increased production. But nevertheless, the state borrowed too much, and the beneficiaries were the Spanish capitalists.
Production and work were shaped by Eduardo Aunós, Minister of Labour. Then he created the National Labour Council, prior to the creation of the Corporate Organization of Labor. This had a mixed composition that was organized in Joint Committees, which were under state care. This economic policy was favored by the good economic situation in the world then experienced the “Roaring 20s.” But the huge costs led to increases in public debt. As economic conditions changed, the invested foreign capital withdrew, triggering a general economic crisis. On the other hand, modernizing the structures did not affect farmers, who remained low productivity without increasing the surface and improving the techniques. Internal migration occurred to the major cities of Madrid and Barcelona due to industrial development. With the development of commercial activities and services, the demand for female labor increased. For the first time, women held responsible positions in local government.
Opposition to the Dictatorship and the Fall of Primo de Rivera
The long duration of the dictatorship was due to the inability of the opposition.
The politicians of the old guard. At first, their position was one of expectation, but over time their bitterness increased.
Republicans who were disunited signed a pact: the Republican Alliance.
Military opposition. In 1925, the military began to coordinate opposition to the political opposition, which became manifest in Sanjurjo’s protest that brought together large sections of the country and where they were arrested and fined influential people. This attitude is explained by some military reform, which favored African military against those of the peninsula. But the most serious conflict was with the artillery gun that refused any promotion that was not based on seniority. When it wanted to impose the new approach, it had to dissolve the artillery corps. Primo de Rivera even forced the King, under threat of resignation, to sign a decree that the gunners were forced to pledge allegiance to the government to achieve re-entry. Therefore, the army broke relations with the king and adopted a pro-republican attitude.
Intellectuals and dictatorship. The first clash occurred in 1924 when Miguel de Unamuno was suspended without pay and banished to Fuerteventura. His attitude not only brought opposition to the system but also a personal confrontation with the King and the Dictator. Another clash took place with the closure of the Ateneo de Madrid because he said he was drifting to republicanism. Because of the university reform project, there were several incidents that caused serious student closures of universities. On the other hand, the dictator’s criticism against the universities’ establishment provoked the indignation of the teachers. The attacks of the intellectuals were intended to rid the country of the regime of Primo de Rivera.
Intellectuals and the army were the two forces that contributed to the fall of Primo de Rivera. Along with these, other problems, such as the Catalan question and the labor movement, were taking positions. In the last months of 1929 and in view of the utilization of cacique by the dictatorship to support the regime, protests raged and rushed all the events that led to the resignation of Primo de Rivera, also motivated by the loss of right support. He resigned on January 28, 1930, and the King showed his displeasure, and that the procedure not only ignored public opinion but also ignored the military.
The Government of Berenguer: The Transition to the Republic
Following the departure of Primo de Rivera, the King instructed General Berenguer’s government to take over and lead the country to constitutional normalcy, 1876, without jeopardizing the King, but this slow process was very harmful. The Republicans increased their number of supporters. Historic Republicanism had emerged under Lerroux and was chaired by a new republican monarchy from other sectors and intellectuals led by Ana. In August, it was the Pact of San Sebastian, attended by three forces: Regional and Constitutional, historical Republicans, and the Socialist Party, and derived two lines of action:
A revolutionary one, leading to the failure of the delivery of Jaca.
And another policy, with a press campaign and rallies, managed to ruin the prestige of the monarchy.
Intellectuals went to the “Partnership Service of the Republic” inspired by Ortega y Gasset. Berenguer’s government continued to ignore the change in Spanish society and wanted to call an election when the monarchist parties protested. In mid-February, he was replaced by Admiral Aznar’s government, and this promised to call for municipal elections and was quick to carry it out. They were held on April 12, 1931. Election Day was conceived as a plebiscite in which the postures are simplified in favor of or against the monarchy. The victory of the left resulted in a change of regime. The Republican-Socialist bloc had won, and this surprised the opposition almost as much as the government. Berenguer morning, as minister of war, without consulting the king, sent a circular to the military defeat and advising acknowledging the order and submission to the national will. Cambo quoted Romanones to advise the King to come to terms with the revolutionary committee of Alcalá Zamora. The king was satisfied, and this meant the end of the monarchy. Without revealing his efforts to the cabinet, Romanones, in opposition to Doe, had persuaded the government to resign. Romanones sent the King a note advising him to leave Spain, while Cierva and Bugallal recommended him to resist. Being convinced by Romanones, at noon, Alcala Zamora had negotiated with the output of the King of Spain, and the Revolutionary Committee took office. Thanks to the Republican banner in the telephone building in Barcelona came the news that the Republic had been declared. The last Council of Ministers of the monarchy was held in the Royal Palace, and only de la Cierva resisted the march of Alfonso XIII. At 9:15 pm, the King undertook travel to Cartagena to take on board after Marseille. Alcalá Zamora proclaimed the Republic throughout the country through radio and was introduced without bloodshed.