The Francoist Dictatorship in Spain (1959-1975)

Political and Economic Issues and Social Modernization and Development

Economic Development

During the 1960s, the Spanish economy experienced accelerated growth, complete modernization and industrialization, and increased levels of welfare and social consumption. Spain transitioned from an agricultural country to an industrial one. The government attempted to guide the development process through “Development Plans,” which were public investment projects and aid to private businesses. The First Development Plan was initiated in 1964. However, these government programs were not the sole cause of success, but rather the collective effort and work of the Spanish people.

Factors behind the rapid economic development:

  1. Favorable international economic conditions.
  2. Massive foreign capital investments and increased activity of large companies, attracting workers.
  3. Income from tourism and remittances from immigrants.
  4. Low labor costs due to low wages.
  5. Huge investments in public works.

Despite the triumphalism of the authorities, the economic expansion, known as the “Spanish miracle,” caused major problems:

  1. Unequal growth of different economic sectors.
  2. Massive rural exodus to cities and emigration of workers to Europe.
  3. Concentrated economic growth and wealth in Catalonia, Madrid, and the Basque Country.
  4. Inadequate social benefit system and services (health, education, etc.).
  5. Urban sprawl in major cities.
  6. Unfair tax system that benefited a wealthy minority.
  7. Ecological damage from industrial waste dumping into rivers.

The global economic crisis of 1973, caused by the rapid and unexpected rise in oil prices by OPEC, severely affected Spain. The consequences of the crisis for the Franco regime were: external dependence, reduced tourism, increased national strikes, etc.

Social Transformations

Spain rapidly became an industrial society, a transformation known as the “Spanish miracle.” One result of industrialization was the rural exodus, which caused serious social problems. The industrialization of the country significantly increased the number of people working in the secondary sector. Even more spectacular was the increase in the services sector. Notable was the growing presence of women in the workforce. This incorporation of women into the workplace impacted families, children’s education, and household duties. The media provided better information and more culture, resulting in a more tolerant and European society. Increased household purchasing power led to consumerism and facilitated the expansion of compulsory education to 14 years (1970).

Political Immobility and Anti-Francoist Opposition

Over nearly forty years, Franco’s regime had to adapt its political ways and modes as more people disagreed with its perpetuation. This led to a contradiction because, when Franco died, Spain was a fully developed country economically but underdeveloped politically. In 1959, he promulgated the Public Order Act, which made it possible to legally pursue all opponents. In 1962, when the dictator’s health became worrisome, a vice president position was created, which went to General Muñoz Grandes. In January 1967, he promulgated the Organic Law of the State, intended as a kind of constitution for the Franco regime. In 1969, Juan Carlos de Borbón was proclaimed Franco’s successor as King and was awarded the title of Prince of Spain. In June 1973, Carrero Blanco was officially named President of the government but was assassinated by ETA in December. His successor, Carlos Arias Navarro, was unable to redirect the system towards openness. Franco died in November 1975.

Franco maintained power through the support of the military and three ideological groups (Falangists, Catholics, and monarchists). He skillfully played these groups against each other to maintain his control. The student movements had great symbolic value because those demonstrating against Franco were not the losers of the Civil War, but the educated and somewhat privileged youth of the dictatorship. The student protests in 1956 convinced the political opposition outside Spain of the need to act within the country.

The main organizations opposed to Franco’s regime were the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE). The PCE was re-established in 1957 and continued to destabilize the system through strikes. By Franco’s death, the PCE was stronger in rhetoric than in reality. The PSOE also suffered a deep division between the party leadership living abroad, who held political positions during the Second Republic and the Civil War, and members who worked with all political groups, anticipating the monarchy’s return with a parliamentary system. These latter elected Felipe González as general secretary of the party in 1974. ETA emerged in 1959 and became increasingly radicalized, carrying out its first terrorist attack in 1968. Between 1970 and 1975, coordination among anti-Francoist opposition parties increased. They called for the formation of a provisional government. In July 1974, the Democratic Junta was formed in Paris, composed of the PSOE and PCE. A year later, the Platform of Democratic Convergence was formed. Both organizations merged into the Democratic Coordinating Platform, which was unable to operate effectively due to political developments in Spain after Franco’s death.