The Historical Significance of the Second Republic in Spain
The Second Republic (1931-36) is an attempt to solve the old problems of Spain. Spain intends to install a pure democratic system. Guided also by regeneration, it is characterized by instability, radicalism, internal divisions, and an unfavorable international context, similar to the First Republic.
The Second Republic must be contextualized within the crisis of the Restoration, beginning in 1898 and continuing with the crises of 1909, 1917, 1921, and the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. Primo’s dictatorship left Spain without a constitution and free democratic system; the Second Republic aimed to consolidate democracy in Spain.
In addition to the historical context, we must consider the international context, which was unfavorable for the Republic. The economic crisis of 1929 fully affected Spain, along with the crisis of democratic systems in Europe, violence, and fascism.
I. – The Establishment of the Second Republic
Faced with the loss of all their support, Primo resigned in January 1930, and Alfonso XIII appointed General Berenguer to transition to a constitutional monarchy. The change was so slow that the opposition called this stage “the Dictablanda.” Given the general discontent, Berenguer resigned, and the king appointed Admiral Aznar, with a commitment to hold elections starting with the city. After the fall of the dictatorship, the loss of support and isolation of the monarchy became evident.
In this context, the Republicans, left-wing Catalan nationalists, and the PSOE signed the Pact of San Sebastián, pledging to overthrow the monarchy and form a provisional government in the future Second Republic. The municipal elections of April 12, 1931, became a national referendum against the monarchy. The Republican victory in the big cities sparked popular jubilation and led to the resignation of Alfonso XIII. “Spain went to bed and rose a republican monarchy,” marking the beginning of the Second Republic amid an atmosphere of joy and consensus, similar to the Glorious Revolution of 1868.
II. – The Strength of the Republicans
Republicanism as a political movement at this time managed to overcome its minority status and was relatively consolidated among the middle classes, unlike the early republic, when the proclamation was made without sufficient popular support, as the only way out after the abdication of Amadeo I. However, the republicanism of the Second Republic was characterized by the proliferation of parties with very different tendencies, allowing for right-wing, center, and left-wing Republican parties.
III. – Comparison Between the First and the Second Republic
Both attempts to consolidate a democratic state in Spain were based on principles such as secularism, universal suffrage, clean elections, the struggle against centralism, and the extension of education. Both faced unfavorable circumstances both internally and externally. It seems that both were trying to implement a liberal, secular, democratic, and republican state in a political, economic, social, and cultural context unfit for it. This may explain the failure of both. However, the Second Republic lasted longer, had a greater role for the labor movement, and was more reformist in character. The first ended with the Restoration, while the second ended with the civil war and Franco’s dictatorship.
IV. – The Provisional Government
A. – Composition
The first step was the formation of a provisional government that reflected the decisions of the Pact of San Sebastián. Thus, representatives from the Republican right (Alcalá Zamora and Miguel Maura), two center-right (the radicals), two radical left-wing Socialists, and a republic ( Azaña) were included. Republicans also had representation from the PSOE (three) and Catalan, Basque, and Galician nationalism. It was a government of concentration. Its two initial tasks were a series of reforms and the call for constituent elections.
B. – First Reforms and Conflict
Legislation was initiated to improve the employment situation of the peasantry, and planning began for educational reform, abolishing compulsory religious education and creating many schools. Measures were also taken to reform the army to ensure its loyalty to the Republic and rationalize its organizational structure to make it more effective. To maintain public order, along with the Civil Guard, a modern police force called Assault Guards was established.
The reformers faced opposition from a section of the army and the economic oligarchy, as their interests were jeopardized. But above all, they clashed with the Church, which traditionally served a legitimizing function of power and social order, and refused to accept the secular view that Republicans had of the state. This attitude fueled anticlericalism among some of the populace, leading to the burning of numerous monasteries and churches. On the left, there were peasant uprisings and worker revolts demanding deeper and faster reforms, always encouraged by the CNT.
The basic lines of the caretaker government were deepened and progressively increased during the biennium.
C. – Constituent Elections
New elections were held on June 28, quite clean and with a large turnout. The right, disunited, was in the minority, facing a powerful left formed by the PSOE and the left-wing Republican parties. The center was formed by the Radical Party and other center parties. The elections resulted in the historic victory of the PSOE minority and the existence of a second minority of importance, the Radical Party’s center-right. Other features of these results included the dominance of the Republican parties, displacing the electorate to the left and fragmenting the Spanish political scene.
V. – The Constitution of 1931
The Constitutional Process
A commission, headed by the Socialist Jimenez de Asua, quickly introduced a draft to Parliament. Two themes were the most controversial: regional issues and religious issues (which led to the resignation of the President and the absence of 89 voting members from the right wing).
Features
A. – Socializing. – The state was defined as a republic of workers, a moderate expression for the phrase “all classes,” under pressure from the right. While contemplating private property, expropriation for public interest also appeared.
B. – Republican Exaltation. – In addition to the definition as a Republic, secularism, chamber design, and the extension of universal suffrage to women were noted.
C. – Liberal Significance. – The incorporation of most principles of Spanish liberal constitutionalism, with a strong pacifist stance to “renounce war as an instrument of international politics” and proclaiming “the observance of universal norms of international law” against the spread of European dictatorships.
D. – Autonomous State. – The dichotomy between federal and centralized state was resolved with the possibility of autonomy and status.
E. – Progressive Nature. – The introduction of elements such as civil marriage or divorce, not without controversy, forced the legislative branch against the other branches. Additionally, individual rights were recognized, and collective rights such as work, education, health, and housing were included.
F. – Novelty of 1931. – The Constitution created several significant bodies, such as the Constitutional Court (similar to the current Constitutional Court) or the Standing Committee. In short, this was a left-leaning Constitution, made by the Republican-Socialist coalition. The right sector was absent from discussions regarding matters related to the Catholic Church.
We are witnessing the most progressive and advanced Constitution in the history of Spanish constitutionalism, including the current one, which has taken many elements from it. Its main concern was the expansion of individual and collective rights and ensuring compliance with the bill of rights. It established a strict division of powers, strengthening the legislative branch, completely separating the judiciary, and creating a room where the Republic’s presidency would be elected by Parliament. Among the main contributions to the history of Spanish constitutionalism, we highlight the consideration of the “differential factor” in some Spanish regions (the first time this was done, later imitated by the constitution of 1978), granting voting rights to women, and the combination of private property with expropriation for public interest. However, it should be noted that although it aimed to be an all-Spanish Constitution, it only represented one part: the left-wing sociological sector, sidelining a very important sector of Spanish society. Major differences on issues such as religion began to break the consensus and the initial jubilation around the country. Early attempts to overthrow the Constitution (Sanjurjo, Gil Robles, etc.) could partly lead to the civil war of 1936 and the failure of the Second Republic and all it entailed.
VI. – Integral State or Regional
The overall status is somewhere between a central and federal state, allowing for the formation of autonomous regions. Thus, it attempts to please peripheral nationalists without overly bothering traditional and conservative forces. The Constitution introduces the concept of nationalities and regions. On the other hand, it proclaims Castilian as the official state language while also contemplating the linguistic variety of the provinces and regions. The constitution of 1978 copied many aspects of the territorial organization of the constitution of 1931. However, it did not manage to solve the old problem of the structure of Spain. In the Second Republic, the Catalans soon obtained autonomy and status, but the Basques did not achieve it until 1936, as the secular nature of the Catholic PNV government withdrew from negotiations initially. In 1934, a state of peak Franco Catalan was declared, and the possible dismemberment of Spain was cited as one of the causes of the coup.
VII. – Subsequent Events
Political Developments
Following the adoption of the 1931 Constitution, a government led by Azana was established, composed of a republican-socialist coalition. This government made the greatest attempts at reform in the history of Spain, addressing issues such as regionalism, land ownership structure, military problems, religious matters, social issues, education, and more. External opposition and internal disputes, along with the “casus belli” of the events in Casas Viejas, paved the way for the biennium of the right, where Lerroux (radical, with the support of the CEDA) chaired the government. The attempt by its leader Gil Robles to seize power and change the constitution led to the October Revolution of 1934 and the convening of elections in late 1935. The elections were won by the Popular Front, an electoral coalition led by the Republican Left of Azana with the support of leftist forces, lasting until July 18, 1936, when Francisco Franco’s state began a civil war that would lead to his dictatorship.
The Significance of the Second Republic
The period of the Second Republic is very important in the history of Spain, not only for its attempt to establish a modern democratic system but also for its failure, which led to civil war and dictatorship. It serves as a model for the Spanish transition, which mimicked some of its successes while also taking into account its failures. Currently, Republican political options hold a marginal position due to the prestige, strength, and support of the monarchy. However, if a new political crisis undermines the current constitutional monarchy, the Third Republic will always be an option.
VIII. – Political and Social Evolution of the Second Republic
I. – The Progressive Biennium.
From December 31 to December 33. According to Gabriel Jackson, the word ” reform “best defines this period, which is also known as the reformist biennium. In the spirit of the twentieth-century regeneracionista, attempts were made to reform and modernize the old state and its problems from a leftist ideology. The President was Alcala Zamora, and the Prime Minister was Azana (Republican Left), who, given the alternative of agreeing with the radical Republicans Lerroux (center) and the PSOE, chose the latter.
1. – Reforms
A. – The Land Reform
Approach
It was the most important reform, considering the role of agriculture in the Spanish economy and its influence on the Republic. It aimed to solve the old problem of agriculture, seeking two purposes: to overcome the poverty of most of the Spanish peasantry and modernize the Spanish economy. There were two projects: the left-wing Republicans wanted to respect private property and provide direct compensation to those affected (except for the former estate lands), while the Socialists favored more expropriations and less compensation. The Republicans’ approach was imposed.
Process
It involved expropriating large estates from the poor exploited and distributing the land among peasant communities, allowing them to exploit the land individually or collectively as they saw fit, with the IRA serving as a bridge. The expropriation was done with compensation, except for noble grandeur lands, but this would not be equitable, only proportional to the land owned.
Result
The results of the reform were limited and led to a substantial increase in social tension. The reform was implemented with many limitations, and fewer acres were eventually expropriated, resulting in fewer farmers settled than expected. During the progressive biennium, few peasants were settled, while during the conservative period, that possibility was eliminated. The opposition from both the right and the left was enormous, resulting in significant disturbances such as the events in Casas Viejas.
The Problem of Property Structure in Spain
The existence of large estates in Spain is documented from Roman and Arabic times. The process of resettlement during the so-called “Reconquista” truly consolidated this. The second step in the formation of large estates occurred during the commercial expansion to America in the sixteenth century. The third phase is located in the nineteenth century. The confiscation of dead hands, instead of redistributing concentrated ownership, and especially the confiscation of Madoz greatly harmed farmers by ending private property and common land, creating a large pool of laborers who were in poverty. This exacerbated the duality of Spanish agrarian society: many very poor and a few very rich. By the late nineteenth century, the need for land reform was almost an outcry among intellectuals, as seen in the writings of such disparate figures as Joaquin Costa and Lucas Mallada.
The Slow Pace of Land Reform
The cause of this slowness, which frustrated the peasant masses, was the paperwork and time required for the various legal processes entailed by the rule of law under which land expropriation was made legal. Additionally, the lack of budget to address compensation for owners of expropriated lands was a significant issue. The budget of the IRA was only 50 million pesetas, a truly ridiculous amount in itself, but even more so when compared to the magnitude of the problem it aimed to solve.
Social Violence in the Field
The struggle for better living conditions among peasants was more radical and less organized than that of industrial workers. The landowners, the mass of wage laborers, unemployment, injustice, despotism, poverty, and misery, along with the lower functionality of strikes (countered by unemployed laborers, scabs, or neighboring municipalities), made peasant claims disorganized, often resembling riots and armed insurrections. This pattern included land distribution, civil takeover of towns, burning of civil registration offices, and communication to the Mayor and the Civil Guard, facing them until reinforcements arrived, leading to significant repression. This pattern had been traditional in the nineteenth century, but the arrival of the Second Republic saw a dramatic increase in the number of peasant revolts. The high initial hopes of the peasants quickly turned to disappointment due to the slow pace of land reform and the obstacles presented by landowners. In these peasant uprisings, the CNT and the FAI, its radical branch, played a central role. The peasant uprising in Casas Viejas, which resulted in twenty-five deaths, was particularly impactful, with the Assault Guards taking a leading role and the Civil Guard playing a secondary role.
B. – Central State Reform
Approach
This reform aimed to solve the old problem of the structure of Spain, exacerbated by the emergence of nationalism in the late nineteenth century. The right to autonomy was recognized in the Constitution of 1931.
Process
The government recognized the Government as an autonomous entity and began preparing the statute of autonomy, which was adopted in 1932.
Result
In 1936, the Basque autonomy statute was approved, while that of Galicia and Andalusia did not progress beyond the study phase due to the onset of war.
C. – Military Reforms
Approach
As Minister of War, Feat aimed to end military macrocephaly and its political influence, seeking modernization and democratization. This involved reducing military forces, ending special privileges for the military, and ensuring their obedience to civil power.
Process
Through the law of withdrawal, officers could retire with full pay without signing up for military service. Some traditional ranks were abolished, the Military Academy of Zaragoza was closed, and military courts and press were eliminated.
Result
The number of retired officers was less than expected, but the reforms earned the enmity of the Africanists, who viewed them as an attack on the military.
Approach
Along with agrarian reform, this was one of the most important and influential issues in the development of the Second Republic. The Republican government sought to limit the influence of the Church in Spanish society and secularize social life. This was reflected in the Constitution, which stipulated the state’s non-denominational nature, religious freedom, and the abolition of the budget for worship and clergy.
Process
During the biennium, these principles were implemented. Civil marriage and divorce were allowed, and cemeteries were secularized. The Jesuit order was dissolved, and the teaching of religious orders was prohibited. During the conservative biennium, the budget for the clergy was restored, and the Jesuits returned, while during the Popular Front, popular anticlericalism intensified.
Result
The religious problem created significant enemies for the republican regime, leading to major clashes due to the radical positions of both sectors. Much of the Church hierarchy showed antagonism toward the Republic, and Catholic opinion mobilized against it, leading to the emergence of the CEDA. Given this, the progressive government opted for a measure of driving force from Spain’s Cardinal Segura, primate of Spain, and the Bishop of Vitoria.
E. – Social Reforms
Approach
Socialist Largo Caballero, Minister of Labour, was tasked with implementing these reforms. They aimed to improve working conditions.
Process
Measures such as the Employment Contracts Act, the Mixed Jury, local terms, reduction of working hours, expansion of social insurance, and strengthening the role of unions in hiring tasks were put in place. However, during the conservative biennium, these proposals were halted.
Result
These measures resulted in irritation among employers and efforts from conservative parties to push the PSOE out of government, alongside anarchists and communists.
F. – Educational Reforms
Approach
The main objective was to promote co-education, secularism, and compulsory free education, making the state the guarantor of the right to education for the entire population.
Process
An effort was made to construct educational facilities, especially in primary education. Educational missions were established, and mobile libraries were created, increasing the education budget by more than 50%.
Result
Due to budget problems and the economic crisis, not all planned reforms could be implemented. Additionally, the Republic faced the significant challenge of serving a student population that had previously been served by the Church.
Pedagogical Missions
One of the most effective tools for extending culture across the country was the pedagogical mission, which involved many young intellectuals being sent from the capital to the most backward areas of the provinces. The enthusiasm for spreading culture reached all branches of art and the intelligentsia. The best-known example was the theater “Barraca,” founded and directed by Federico García Lorca, whose main objective was to introduce theater to the most backward and illiterate layers.
2. – The Opposition and the End of the Reformist Biennium
The reforms polarized Spanish political life, and the reformists faced significant opposition from sectors most directly affected (Church, Army, landowners, employers’ organizations, etc.) and from radical sections, promoting a wave of leftist conflict, encouraged by high unemployment and harsh living conditions in some areas of Spain. Opposition from conservatives and traditionalists organized into different political parties or groups. The most important was the emergence in 1932 of the CEDA, led by Gil Robles, which brought together Catholic, traditional, and straight sectors, becoming very active during this period and playing a prominent role later. The monarchists, led by Calvo Sotelo, also actively opposed the government, openly advocating for a coup, alongside the Falange and JONS, which were national union and fascist groups. Some groups attempted to cluster military unrest and stage a coup d’état. However, Sanjurjo failed in 1932.
On the left, the impatience of workers against the reforms and disappointment at their slowness provoked a wave of social conflicts. The CNT split into two tendencies: the moderates, led by Angel Tab, who supported some collaboration with the Republic, and the followers of the FAI, led by Garcia Oliver and Durruti, who advocated for radical insurgency. This radical sector increasingly imposed its views. The PCE also opposed the reforms, seeking deeper changes. Workers’ strikes and peasant revolts abounded, with special significance given to the peasant uprisings in the countryside, such as in Casas Viejas, which resulted in 25 deaths. The incidents in Casas Viejas were exploited by both the radical right and left to force the departure of the Socialist government and the collapse of the coalition. The erosion of the government reached a point where Azaña and Alcalá Zamora resigned and called elections for November 1933.
II. – On the Biennium
The Triumph of the Center-Right
While the left and anarchists were disunited, the right attended together. The winning party was the CEDA, which formed a government headed byLerroux (Radical Republican) with the support of the CEDA, but without their intervention.
The government enacted counter-legislation, stalled land reform, allocated a budget for worship and the clergy, granted amnesty for the coup of 1932, reduced the education budget, and curtailed autonomy in Catalonia and the Basque Country. The PSOE and the UGT radicalized, promising revolution if the government included members of the CEDA.
The Revolution of October 1934
In 1934, Gil Robles provoked a government crisis and demanded and obtained the entry of three ministers, including himself, from the CEDA into the government. The UGT, with little participation from the CNT, called general strikes in the big cities. The government’s declaration of war and poor organization led to little success, except in Madrid, but especially in Catalonia and Asturias.
In Catalonia, Lluis Companys declared the Catalan Republic and initiated a general strike. The non-intervention of the CNT and the arrival of the army ended the uprising. In Asturias, miners led a social revolution, resulting from an agreement between socialists, communists, and anarchists. Columns of armed miners occupied the mining area. The government sent the legion, an elite group of Africanists led by Franco, who suppressed the revolt after harsh repression.
III. – The Crisis of the Right Biennium
The October Revolution hardened the government’s stance. Prisons filled with political prisoners, and five members of the CEDA entered the government, with Gil Robles taking the War portfolio and Franco as Chief of Staff.
It suspended the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, restored properties to the Jesuits, and submitted draft legislation to amend the Constitution, considering the abolition of divorce, restricting autonomy, and refusing to socialize property. A government corruption scandal involving Lerroux (the black market) was used by Gil Robles to force another crisis and seek the premiership. Alcalá Zamora did not agree and called elections.
IV. – The Popular Front
The Triumph of the Popular Front
The repression of October and subsequent actions enabled the creation of an electoral coalition of leftist forces (republicans, socialists, and communists) that won the elections, given the disunity of the right. This electoral coalition had a common agenda: amnesty for prisoners of October and enforcement of leftist reformist biennium. They also committed to dissolving once in office, allowing Republicans to govern.
The Legislative
Manuel Azana was named president, and Casares Quiroga became the president of the government. The government was formed exclusively by Republicans but supported by socialists, quickly applying the Popular Front program, decreeing an amnesty, restoring the status, resuming the Catalan government, and land reform. To prevent coup rumors, more generals prone to it were moved away from Madrid (Mola, Franco, etc.).
Conflict and Conspiracies
The Popular Front’s victory was not accepted by the most reactionary sectors of Spanish society, which began conspiring against the Republic, while unions and workers’ parties demanded the deepening of social reforms from the first biennium.
Spanish society polarized between right and left. The most conservative Republican government reacted to Azana, with landlords burning or planting their crops, many manufacturers closing their factories, and the phalanx forming street patrols that spread a climate of violence in the streets, facing left-wing groups.
The triumph of the left resulted in strong popular mobilization, creating a climate of social tension. Workers’ strikes, farm occupations, and the burning of convents and churches became common. The anarchists, communists, and the radical area of Largo Caballero’s PSOE radicalized their positions, enacting social revolution.
The Coup d’État of July 1936
The coup began to take shape from the same night in February when the Popular Front won. Franco attempted to declare a state of war that night, and in March, there was an uprising attempt, but it failed. From then on, preparations for the coup were led by General Emilio Mola, who was the chief until July 1936. The plan consisted of the simultaneous delivery of all fittings and the African army, led by Franco, to consolidate the coup. It had the support of a civil fabric, providing men and, above all, money (CEDA, Falangists, the Chartists, and bankers like Juan March). The preparations for the coup accelerated when the assault guards killed the monarchist leader Calvo Sotelo on July 14 in response to the previous murder of Lieutenant Castillo. The uprising started in Morocco on July 17 and spread to the rest of the nation the next day. As victory was uneven, a war began that lasted three long years: the CIVIL WAR.
Radicalization and Instability in the Popular Front Government
Although the political forces were the same (with no intervention from the PSOE in government) and the objective was to deepen the reforms of the progressive biennium, this did not happen due to the climate of instability and radicalism that existed until July 18, 1936. A non-government extremist, who wanted to enforce the law, was overwhelmed by the spiraling violence of left-wing extremism, which dominated the streets.
Terrorism was represented by fascist militias of the phalanx, financed by prominent businessmen and financial figures like J. March. They were outlawed by the government, and their leaders were imprisoned, with Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera at the forefront. Carlists also created their militias, Requete, who joined the dialectic of guns that José Antonio spoke of. Additionally, the conspiracy of the right was evident, increasingly convinced that the timing for military rebellion was imminent. This provoked a response from the left, leading to the burning of church properties and the killing of prominent right-wing leaders, resulting in a cycle of action-repression-action.
Another aspect to note is that Alcalá Zamora, a great moderator, had disappeared from the political scene and had been replaced by Azana as president of the Republic. This was a major flaw, as it lost an important element of moderation in Alcalá Zamora and a strong head of government in Azana.
After the events of 1917, Spain entered a revolutionary phase in which the decomposition of the Canovist system was consummated. Between 1917 and 1923, years of intense social unrest were experienced, manifested in strikes (such as the post office or “Canadian”) and violence from peasant agitation (especially in Andalusia). Workers’ union members managed to secure labor advantages, such as the 8-hour day and fixed salaries, but the Employers’ Federation of Barcelona reacted by closing enterprises due to economic collapse.
The effervescence of the Spanish working class was also due to the influence of the victorious Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Although membership in the Third International was promoted by the Soviets, it was rejected by the CNT, the UGT, and the PSOE (from which the PCE was formed in 1921). The Bolshevik example intensified violence and gangsterism, with Barcelona being the most affected by these events. The harsh repression carried out by the civil governor Martínez Anido and the murder of trade union lawyer and anarchist Francisco Layret Salvador Seguí further compounded the problem.
On March 8, 1921, anarchists assassinated the current mayor, Eduardo Dato, and in July of that year, the Annual Disaster occurred in the war in Morocco. Both events shook the public, leading General Primo de Rivera, from Barcelona, to write a telegram to initiate a coup d’état on September 13, 1923.
The international context of this period was marked by the crisis of liberal democracies following World War I, which were blamed for the war. The state was attacked by liberal socialism and fascism. The first defended the existence of a strong state governed by the dictatorship of the proletariat, while fascism advocated for an authoritarian state. Although fascism only triumphed in Italy and Germany, it spread across most of Europe, inspiring dictatorships that adopted similar models: Primo de Rivera in Spain and Salazar in Portugal.
After the coup of September 13, Alfonso XIII instructed Primo de Rivera to form a government, establishing an authoritarian regime. The dictator abolished the 1876 constitution and dissolved Parliament, ending the system inspired by Canovas and Sagasta. The dictatorship was not unwelcome; it was supported by the neutral mass, tired of civil and political chaos, the army, and the Church, as well as the king, and was expressed by Primo de Rivera as a temporary dictatorship. Some sectors, such as the Catalan bourgeoisie and socialist Republicans, also supported it.
Under the dictatorship, there were two phases: the Military Directory (1923-1925) and the Civil Directory (1925-1930). The first was characterized by the achievement of social peace, public order, and management at central, provincial, and municipal levels, as well as the end of the war in Morocco (with the help of France, which assisted in the Alhucemas landing during the Rif Kabilas led by Abd-el-Krim). Following these achievements, Primo de Rivera decided to continue the dictatorship, including civilian politicians in the government. The Civil Directorate included figures like Calvo Sotelo and Count de Guadalhorce. The decision to continue the regime aroused rejection and criticism from many, including Unamuno, who ended up in exile in Paris.
The dictatorship justified its actions by its achievements, claiming it had no ideological support. In addition to those already mentioned, it included:
Creation of joint bodies composed of workers and employers for employment regulation, supported by the leader of the PSOE, Socialist Largo Caballero.
An interventionist economic policy aimed at overcoming the crisis of the war, which increased tariff protection and encouraged domestic production through tax incentives and credit. This led to increased economic concentration and monopoly: CAMPSA was created as a monopoly on oil.
Basic industries such as steel, heavy chemicals, and cement increased their production. A determined policy of public works was also undertaken, creating an extensive network of roads, railways, and better addressing the problem of water (Water Plan Confederations).
This economic policy was favored by 20 happy years in the international context, but the enormous costs (Universal Exposition of Barcelona and Seville Iberoamericana) increased public debt. When the favorable international context changed, foreign capital investment was withdrawn, and the peseta depreciated, leading to an overall economic decline.
A single party with fascist influence, the Patriotic Union, was created, and efforts were made to draft a new constitution, but the inability to carry out both processes was one of the dictator’s greatest failures.
The Fall of the Dictatorship
The 1929 Depression hurt the Spanish economy, leading to business closures and rising unemployment. This gave rise to numerous criticisms: the troubles of the Catalans regarding the anti-regionalist policy (embodied in the abolition of the Commonwealth), the ancient hatred of politicians, dislike from intellectuals, military discontent with reforms in artillery, and Alfonso XIII’s reluctance toward the dictator’s particularism. The change of opinion, failure in developing a new constitution, and the impossibility of turnismo, which included the Socialist Party (F. Largo Caballero supported this idea, but Indalecio Prieto rejected it), further complicated matters.
Primo de Rivera found himself isolated amid the crisis and resigned to the King on January 30, 1930, going into exile in Paris.
In this situation, Alfonso XIII ordered the old military Damaso Berenguer to form a government.
Meaning of the Dictatorship
The originality of this regime lies in its attempt to become a stable regime with a constitutional basis of its own, following the example of Italian Fascism (“Mediterranean dictatorships”).
It also manifested as a regime with a strong centralist trend, supported by the army, pro-Catholic Church, and devoted to large landowners. In its early years, it was agreed upon by socialism and trade unionism, with Barcelona intellectuals attacking it and Republicans opposing it.
However, the dictatorship was unable to attract large sectors of national life and failed to stop the political and social deterioration of Spain at the time, leading to the end of the monarchy in the short term and the Civil War in the long term, in 1936.
The Collapse of the Monarchy of Alfonso XIII
The end of Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship in 1930 was followed by the fall of the monarchy and the proclamation of the Second Republic on April 14, 1931.
The monarchy had been greatly weakened after the king endorsed Primo de Rivera, who was charged with violating the 1876 Constitution by dissolving Parliament and calling new elections. This was compounded by the discredit of the old dynastic parties, the separation of some monarchists, and the opposition from Republicans, socialists, and intellectuals, as well as the exacerbation of the Catalan problem and increased labor mobilization.
Faced with this stark reality, the King only had the strong support of most of the army.
Damaso Berenguer’s Government and the Development of Opposition to the Regime
Following Primo de Rivera’s resignation, Don Alfonso tasked Mr. Berenguer with forming a government: the Dictablanda, to establish constitutional normality without jeopardizing the king. Berenguer, insecure, ruled by decree and delayed the convening of a Constituent Assembly elections for a year, leading many politicians to see no other solution than the establishment of a republican regime. Meanwhile, popular unrest grew, especially among students (WAS). Republican politicians, socialists, and Catalans signed the Pact of San Sebastián in 1930 to end the monarchy.
Almost simultaneously, a Republican Association was organized, bringing together military and intellectuals in a group called “Serving the Republic,” which included figures like Ortega y Gasset, Pérez de Ayala, and Marañón.
In the military field, preparations for an anti-monarchist conspiracy began in mid-1930, but the revolt of the early masters Fermín Galán and A. García Hernández, launched in the Jaca garrison on December 12, failed due to rain and lack of union support. Neither was the insurrection at Cuatro Vientos aerodrome successful. The shooting of the rebel captains in Jaca and the imprisonment of the Revolutionary Committee in Madrid provided the Republic with martyrs and heroes. Berenguer was considered a despot and was forced to resign in February 1931.
Admiral Aznar’s Government and the Fall of the Monarchy
Alfonso XIII then ordered Admiral Juan Bautista Aznar to form a government, organizing a “concentration” government with personalities from the old dynastic parties.
With the intention of providing a sense of freedom without risking failure, municipal elections were held, resulting in favorable outcomes for Republicans in the big cities, while monarchists maintained dominance in rural areas.
The election results were interpreted by society as a triumph for Republicans. In Barcelona, Éibar proclaimed the Republic, while in Madrid, the Revolutionary Committee was attacked by the Civil Guard director José Sanjurjo, who took charge of power. The king, advised by Romanones, relinquished his duties and went into exile from the port of Cartagena.