The Regency of María Cristina and Spanish Politics (1885-1902)
1. The Regency of María Cristina and Turnismo
Alfonso XII died, leaving two young daughters. His wife, Maria Cristina of Austria, assumed the regency while awaiting the birth of an heir, the future Alfonso XIII, who was proclaimed king from birth. The uncertainties surrounding a minority and the regency of an inexperienced queen led the dynastic party leaders, Cánovas and Sagasta, to agree upon the Pact of El Pardo. They committed to alternating in government and respecting the laws enacted by the previous administration. According to the agreement, Cánovas made way for Sagasta, whose electoral manipulation secured victory for the Liberal Party. This established the system of turnismo between the two parties as a guarantee of political stability.
2. Liberalization of the Political System
Sagasta attempted to liberalize the system, reflecting the more tolerant and open nature of the Liberal Party. He used his five-year rule to adopt measures incorporating some progress made during the Democratic Sexenio:
- Freedom of the Press: Guaranteed greater freedom of expression, as long as it didn’t question the monarchy.
- Associations Act: Allowed the legalization of clandestine workers’ associations.
- Jury Act: Allowed juries to judge certain crimes.
- Universal Suffrage Act: Recognized the right to vote for all males over 25, ending census suffrage.
However, these measures created a facade of freedom that masked the corrupt, oligarchic nature of the system. Electoral manipulation and caciquismo undermined the virtues of the Universal Suffrage Act. Cánovas respected these measures.
3. The Political Opposition
The emergence and growth of opposition movements, marginalized from political power, led to increasing criticism of the system’s manipulation, contributing to its deterioration. Three groups emerged: Republicans, peripheral nationalisms, and the labor movement.
4. Peripheral Nationalisms
These movements opposed the centralized Liberal State, accusing it of defending the interests of an agrarian and financial oligarchy represented in Madrid. Social groups in the periphery who felt disenfranchised found expression in these nationalist movements.
a) Catalan Nationalism
Originating in a cultural movement, La Renaixença, which aimed to restore Catalan culture and language, it manifested in literary competitions and cultural events. Valentí Almirall published the manifesto “Lo Catalanisme,” claiming political autonomy for Catalonia and defending its identity. The Memorial de Greuges, presented to the queen regent, affirmed loyalty to the monarchy but demanded autonomy. Prat de la Riba, author of the Bases de Manresa, organized Catalan nationalism, marking its political birth. The document demanded co-official status for Catalan, political autonomy, and the appointment of Catalan citizens to public offices. Catalan nationalism was an inclusive, not independentist, movement with a conservative base among the industrial bourgeoisie, eager to influence the government in Madrid for favorable economic and industrial modernization policies. In 1901, the Catalan Regionalist League was founded as the main Catalan nationalist party, representing the interests of the industrial bourgeoisie.
b) Basque Nationalism
Originating in Biscay, it stemmed from profound changes: industrialization, immigration of non-Basques, disappearance of traditional rural areas, and the spread of working-class ideologies. The abolition of privileges caused uncertainty among the petty bourgeoisie and middle classes, who felt threatened by the labor movement. These groups reacted by idealizing a rural Basque past and developing anti-Spanish sentiment. The financial and industrial bourgeoisie, feeling represented in Madrid, did not support nationalism. Sabino Arana founded the PNV as a conservative Catholic party with racist and violent elements inherited from Carlism. Initially radical and independentist, the PNV gained little ground. Later, it evolved towards autonomy and less radical positions, increasing its support.
c) Other Nationalisms
In Galicia, a cultural movement known as O Rexurdimento focused on recovering the Galician language and culture, with Rosalía de Castro as its main exponent. However, economic backwardness and the lack of a strong bourgeoisie hindered Galician nationalism. Murguía, Rosalía de Castro’s husband, founded the Asociación Regional Galega, the first Galician nationalist association. Similar movements arose in Valencia and Andalusia but with less impact.
5. The Labor Movement
Three characteristics defined the late nineteenth-century labor movement: the rise of the working class due to industrialization, the consolidation of two main trends (anarchist and socialist), and the slow emergence from the underground after the legalization of workers’ associations by Sagasta.
a) Anarchism
The dominant Spanish labor movement, its ideology opposed any state, including a dictatorship of the proletariat. Its ideal was a society of autonomous communes with collective means of production, suited to rural areas or those with small businesses. Andalusian day laborers and Catalan textile workers were its most influential groups. Its strategy was based on revolutionary strikes. In the 1890s, followers of Kropotkin, advocating “propaganda of the deed” (terrorist violence), gained influence. This led to escalating violence: attacks, government repression, anarchist reprisals, and so on. Cánovas del Castillo was a victim of an anarchist attack.
b) Socialism or Marxism
In 1879, following Marx, printing workers led by Pablo Iglesias founded the clandestine PSOE. The party aimed to empower the working class and transform society. In 1888, the UGT, a socialist trade union, was founded. Socialism resonated more in large factories (steel, mining), finding its base in Vizcaya, Asturias, and Madrid. The PSOE joined the Second International, supporting initiatives like the May 1, 1890, protests for the 8-hour workday. Despite repression, a general strike starting in Vizcaya achieved significant improvements for workers. Through Casas del Pueblo (party headquarters), they promoted worker education and culture. However, socialism remained a minority current compared to anarchism.
c) Catholic Unions
Concerned about the spread of revolutionary ideology, the Catholic Church, under Pope Leo XIII, developed its Social Doctrine, based on the encyclical Rerum Novarum, to regain influence among workers. It advocated understanding between employers and employees, appealing to Christian charity, bourgeois paternalism, and worker resignation. Catholic circles were established as schools promoting harmony between social classes and cooperation through mutual funds, savings banks, and recreational activities. These evolved into Catholic unions, but, accused of serving employer interests, they had little impact among workers, influencing only conservative and Catholic peasants in the northern peninsula.