The Second Spanish Republic: 1933-1936
The Second Spanish Republic (1933-1936)
The Radical-CEDA Biennium (1933-1934)
The period of 1933-1934, marked by social reforms and political polarization, witnessed significant resistance from sectors like the Church, Army, landowners, and employers, who united to defend their interests. The Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-Wing Groups (CEDA), led by José María Gil-Robles, emerged as a powerful force, encompassing all democratic right-wing parties. Gil-Robles criticized the Republic’s approach, aiming to secure electoral victory with the support of the most intransigent right-wing factions.
Undemocratic and authoritarian organizations like the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (JONS) and the Spanish Falange also gained prominence during this time. The November 1933 general election saw CEDA emerge as the largest party, followed by Alejandro Lerroux’s increasingly conservative Radical Republican Party. Leftist parties presented a more fragmented front, with the Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) maintaining its electorate. This election marked a significant defeat for the left and the first time women voted in Spain.
Though not the largest party, Lerroux was asked to form a government. President Alcalá-Zamora called upon Lerroux due to perceived trustworthiness. While supporting the government, CEDA demanded radical reforms, including the cessation of land redistribution initiated by the previous government. Agrarian reform slowed considerably, with landowners receiving compensation for expropriated properties. Freedom of contract was granted to agricultural businesses, effectively removing regulations on wages and working hours. Other reforms included halting the Basque autonomy project, reinstating religious education and Church financing, returning Jesuit properties, and granting amnesty to those involved in the 1932 Sanjurjo uprising.
The PSOE and the socialist trade union, Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), adopted a radical stance under Francisco Largo Caballero, vowing to end collaboration with the bourgeoisie. Meanwhile, Indalecio Prieto advocated for a more moderate approach within the Republican left. Anarchists engaged in strikes and rural uprisings, contributing to social unrest. Lerroux’s government clashed with the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and the Catalan government over land reform legislation. The Constitutional Court, chaired by Lluís Companys, declared the legislation incompatible with the Constitution. The Catalan government refused to accept the cancellation and introduced similar laws. CEDA hardened its position, demanding decisive action and ultimately joining the government in October 1934, taking control of three ministries.
The October 1934 Revolution
CEDA’s entry into the government triggered a general strike in several cities, organized by the UGT and CNT, with limited involvement from other leftist groups. The strike aimed to restore democratic legitimacy, but due to a lack of organization and a forceful government response (declaration of a state of war), it ultimately failed.
Two regions experienced particularly intense conflict: Asturias and Catalonia. In Asturias, miners staged a social revolution, occupying towns, seizing Civil Guard barracks, and establishing revolutionary committees. They besieged Oviedo but failed to take control of the city hall. The revolt was successful in Gijón, Avilés, and other areas. Alarmed, Lerroux deployed all available forces, including the Army, Air Force, and the Spanish Legion under Francisco Franco. The resistance was eventually crushed, resulting in significant casualties on both sides. Repression followed, with death sentences, life imprisonment, and over 10,000 incarcerations.
In Catalonia, Lluís Companys proclaimed a Catalan State within a federal Spanish Republic. The PSOE, UGT, and other leftist groups organized a general strike, while the CNT largely abstained. The revolt, focused on political objectives, lacked widespread anarchist participation and coordination, leading to its failure. Companys’ government was imprisoned, Catalan autonomy was suspended, and approximately 3,500 individuals were detained, including Manuel Azaña.
These events strengthened CEDA’s influence within the government, leading to stricter policies and the suspension of the Catalan Statute. Gil-Robles became Minister of War. The left united, demanding the release of political prisoners. Lerroux’s government was weakened by a corruption scandal (“Straperlo affair”), leading to his resignation. While Gil-Robles attempted to form a government, President Alcalá-Zamora called for new elections in February 1936.
Popular Front Victory and Rising Tensions
The February 1936 elections resulted in a victory for the Popular Front, a coalition of leftist parties advocating amnesty for political prisoners and the resumption of reforms. The right-wing National Bloc secured 46.5% of the vote, while the Popular Front garnered 48%. The electoral law, which favored the most voted party, allowed the Popular Front to form a government. Manuel Azaña became President of the Republic, replacing Alcalá-Zamora.
The new government, led by Santiago Casares Quiroga, granted amnesty to political prisoners and reinstated the Catalan government and its autonomy statute. Negotiations for new statutes began in the Basque Country and Galicia. Land reform resumed. These actions provoked a conservative backlash. Landowners resisted peasant demands, businesses closed factories, and the Church feared anticlerical policies. Meanwhile, sectors within the military began plotting against the Republic.
Radical leftist groups occupied land and organized strikes, with some proclaiming a social revolution. The Falange, a Spanish fascist party, gained prominence, encouraging civil strife and forming uniformed patrols that clashed violently with leftist groups. Conservatives increasingly viewed a coup d’état as necessary.