The Spanish Transition to Democracy (1975-2000)

Posted on Oct 23, 2024 in History

Democratic Spain 1975-2000

The Political Transition

After Franco’s death, Juan Carlos I was proclaimed king in a political context of great uncertainty. It was the beginning of a complex process of transition that would lead from a dictatorship to a democratic system. This process became a model for other countries due to the scarce level of violence involved.

The Political Forces

The political forces in the scenery were:

  • Francoists: When Franco died, the differences among the “bunker”, organized around Blas Piñar, and the “aperturistas” enlarged. Among the latter were senior politicians of the dictatorship convinced now of the need for a change. This was the case of Fraga or Areilza, along with other young people who did not live through the civil war and whose action was going to be key to the transition. Adolfo Suarez was their leader.
  • The Forces of Opposition: The right-wing liberal forces were feeble and they met around Ruiz Giménez and Gil Robles, or those in favor of Don Juan de Borbón. Among the nationalist forces in Catalonia, Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, conducted by Jordi Pujol. In the Basque Country, the PNV was the majoritarian force. Theoretically contrary to terrorism, in practice it did not oppose the actions of an increasingly active ETA. Among the left-wing parties, the main one was the PCE, conducted by Santiago Carrillo. The best-organized party was the PSOE. The latter had organized a congress in Suresnes (France) in 1974 with a new directory group around Felipe Gonzalez and Alfonso Guerra. Tierno Galván’s Partido Socialista Popular ended by uniting with the PSOE. The communist hegemony can be also seen in the unions where Workers’ Commission was the most powerful whereas the CNT was only a symbolic force. The differences between PCE and PSOE made the union of all the opposition impossible. In this way, Democratic Junta was created by the PCE, with great ability for mobilization, and the Platform of Democratic Convergence, where PSOE, PNV, and UGT were the main forces.

The First Moments of the Government of Juan Carlos I: Arias Navarro’s Government (November 1975 – July 1976)

The first moments of the monarchy were characterized by its indefinition. Many were suspicious of the continuity of Francoism. However, the new king was surrounded by a group of advisors, among which was Torcuato Fernández Miranda, who designed the plan for the change. This change was known as reform. They aimed at changing things but in such a way that all groups would accept it. At the beginning, the king maintained Arias Navarro as head of government. He was already in office in the last period of the dictatorship. The government included Fraga as Interior Minister and young people of the Movement such as Suarez or Martín Villa. Arias’ government was a failure when he tried to reform and the popular response was of anger. A wave of strikes followed in 1976. The repressive answer in the Vitoria incidents ended with five workers being assassinated.

In March, all the opposition concentrated in Democratic Coordination, reinforcing the protests against Arias Navarro’s immobility. Finally, the king dismissed him, accepting his resignation.

Suarez’s Government and the Political Reform Bill

Suarez, a young politician belonging to the Movement, was made president. Being the government formed by people in favor of openness, they considered that Suarez would not be the leader for democracy. In September 1976, Suarez presented his project of Political Reform Bill. This was the legislative concretion of the dismantling of the old dictatorship from the regime itself. At the same time, Suarez started a round of contacts with the democratic opposition. The most immobile sectors, irritated by the political evolution and the terrorist violence of ETA and GRAPO, started preparing a military coup against the reform process. In September 1976, Suarez appointed Lieutenant General Gutiérrez Mellado as vice-president and he was a key element to control the danger of a coup d’état. Despite the conspiracies and terrorism, the conscience of the changes could not be avoided and they led the Francoist Court to approve the Political Reform Bill.

Opposition’s Advances

Slowly the opposition started leaving clandestinity. The PSOE celebrated its congress and international leaders took part in it. Carrillo, leader of the communist party, gave a speech in Madrid but he was later sent to prison, even if he was released eight days later. That same month, a referendum was held about the Political Reform Bill. The answer was in favor by a majority. The opposition that, at the beginning, did not trust Suarez, came to accept what they could not avoid: the end of Francoism would not be made through a democratic break (provisional government, amnesty, legalization of all political parties, free elections). In the future, part of that opposition started backing a project that was to conclude with the establishment of a democratic government.

The Key Year: 1977

The reform was always under threat. On the one hand, the extreme right and some terrorist groups such as the Warriors of Cristo Rey and newspapers such as El Alcázar or political groups such as Fuerza Nueva centered their efforts in encouraging a military coup to put an end to the democratic process. On the other hand, nationalist terrorist groups such as ETA or GRAPO, with their attacks on the army and police, were risking a military coup too. The situation reached its maximum tension at the end of January 1977 when a succession of violent events was near to leading the transition to a halt. The assassination of a student in a pro-amnesty demonstration by the Warriors of Cristo Rey was followed by the kidnapping of the Head of the Supreme Council of Military Justice, Villaescusa, by the GRAPO and the killing of five labor lawyers, members of the PCE, in Atocha by a gang of extreme right gunmen. The popular answer was a huge pacific demonstration in Madrid that showed clearly the general will of continuing with changes in a peaceful way.

Suarez managed to overcome all the difficulties. He legalized the PCE and gave a political amnesty for political prisoners before the 1977 democratic elections. The party winning the polls was the UCD, a new party organized by Suarez with some members of the Francoist groups in favor of openness and moderate democrats. The second party was Felipe González’s PSOE. Far after them were the PCE and Fraga’s AP. Convergència i Unió in Catalonia (Pujol) and the PNV in the Basque Country were the main nationalist forces. Suarez’s new government should face two great defies: elaborate a constitution to articulate the democratic system as a whole and fight against ETA’s terrorism and, on the other hand, to eliminate the risk of a coup. All this delicate political process was made in a context of economic crisis. The 1973 petroleum crisis had hit Spain seriously and unemployment and inflation were very high. To stabilize the country, the main political forces signed the Moncloa Pact, a series of measures to face economic difficulties.

The Constitutional Process

After the elections, the process for writing the new Constitution started. The constitutional commission was formed by seven deputies, three of them being UCD members, but with the cooperation of other political groups and even a nationalist (a Catalan one). The fact that PNV members were not included led to the rejection of the constitutional text in the Basque Country. Consensus was the essential voice of the draft. They tried to eliminate a constitution of a party to adapt it to the new needs and in order to make it acceptable for all political forces. This is why some articles may appear as ambiguous. After being discussed in the Congress and Senate, the final text was approved and submitted to Referendum. It was officially approved on December 6, 1978.

The Pre-Autonomic Process

Given the desire for autonomy of Basques and Catalans, Suarez’s government initiated a pre-autonomic process even before the approval of the Constitution. The Generalitat was re-established and in the Basque Country the General Basque Council was created. At the beginning of 1978, a pre-autonomic regime was created by decree for both regions. Until October, other regions developed as pre-autonomic regions.

Constitution’s Content

The preliminary title includes all the basic principles of the Constitution:

  • Spain is defined as a social and democratic rule of law; it proclaimed national sovereignty and the State is defined as a parliamentary monarchy.
  • With respect to national unity, the right to autonomy is a new element.
  • The first title includes all the rights and freedoms of the citizens:
    • Individual: life, physical integrity, ideological, religious and faith freedom, education
    • Social: protection of the family, a worthy house, take advantage of the environment, right to work, health protection.

The only modification to the text was made in 1992 to allow Europeans living in Spain the right to vote in municipal elections. This was required after the entrance of Spain in the EU. As long as the monarchy is concerned, the King is the supreme head of the State and his functions are fixed. His power is merely formal. The constitution establishes how the three powers must be organized and they are separated. The Courts are formed by two Chambers: the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. Both are elected by universal suffrage and they exercise the legislative power.

The Government exercises the executive power, conducts internal and external policy. It has also legislative power because it can present projects for laws. The President of the Government receives the legislative power. The Judges and magistrates exercise the judicial power. The Constitutional Tribunal is created and its function is to avoid any violation of the Constitution and to take care that laws do not go against the constitutional text. It is the maximum organism to protect fundamental rights and freedoms. The constitution tried to unify the unity of the State and the diversity of regions and nationalities inside it. The legal way for the creation of autonomies was open. The autonomies would have a Statute in which the competencies assumed by them would appear. These Statutes should be approved by the General Courts. Once the Constitution was approved, the Autonomous Communities were created. There are 17 and two autonomous cities. Each of them has its own Legislative Assembly and Government. The Constitution establishes the principle of solidarity and economic equilibrium among the different regions.

The Democratic Government and the European Integration

UCD’s Second Legislature and the End of Suarez’s Government (1979-1981)

After the Constitution’s approval, the Courts were dissolved and new elections were called for 1979 in which UCD was the first force again. In municipal elections, the result was different and some cities were under socialist and communist control due to the collaboration of both political forces.

Despite the alliance, González forced a political and ideological turn in the PSOE. They left Marxism as the official ideology and the party was configured as a moderate left-wing one that could be a serious contending group for future elections.

In 1979, policy deteriorated and it reached its peak with the frustrated coup d’état in 1981. Several factors explain this crisis:

  • The brutal terrorist campaign of ETA
  • The discontent of military circles of the extreme right
  • The end of the consensus when the PSOE initiated a strong campaign of opposition
  • The approval of the Basque and Catalan Statutes in 1979 and the following autonomous polls in which nationalists won
  • The internal crisis of the UCD, with critics that led Suarez to confrontation with the members of his own political party

All these factors ended in Suarez’s resignation in January 1981. Calvo Sotelo, leader of the UCD, was designated candidate to the Presidency.

The 23-F Coup d’état

During the investiture session, a group of civil guards under the direction of Lieutenant Colonel Tejero entered the Courts, kidnapping the Legislative and Executive powers. The coup did not count on the backing of the army as a whole and the uprising was a failure. The king addressed all citizens explaining the orders he gave to the high-position militaries.

The Last UCD Government: Calvo Sotelo (1981-1982)

Calvo Sotelo governed for one year and a half in a period marked by the destruction of his own party, the law of divorce with the opposition of the church, and the scandal related to the colza oil.

In May 1982, with the opposition of the left-wing parties, Spain became a member of NATO. The PSOE promised a referendum about it if they won the elections. In October, Calvo Sotelo called new elections. The PSOE won, with an absolute majority in the Congress. The project of change created by González left out the UCD, that almost disappeared, substituted by Fraga’s Popular Alliance as the main right-wing party.

Felipe González’s Socialist Governments (1982-1996)

In the first legislature (1982-1986), the government had to face a difficult economic situation. The strict stabilization plan approved implicated a process of industrial re-conversion that led to the closing of several obsolete industries. These measures provoked discontent among the unions but managed to improve the economic situation and to prepare the recovery. The socialist government was confronted with a hard terrorist campaign of ETA and, at the same time, they had to reform the army to avoid uprisings. Other measures were the approval of the university law, the LODE, they established free and compulsory education until sixteen, and the decriminalization of abortion.

Spain became a member of the EU on January 1, 1986. As a counterpart, González changed his view about NATO. He kept the promise of a referendum but he asked for the favorable vote. In these years, the autonomic map was completed with the approval of several statutes. In 1986, the PSOE won the polls again by absolute majority, creating a crisis among their counterparts. Fraga repeated results and the PCE united different groups to conform United Left. The second socialist legislature (1986-1989) was marked by strong economic development lasting until 1992. The increase was based on a policy of huge public investment in infrastructures favored by the transference of funds of the EEC. Educational, health and pension services increased and were afforded by a tax system that was pretty progressive. For the first time, it was possible to refer to Spain as a welfare state. The economic development and liberalizing measures widened the differences of wealth among social groups. CCOO and UGT called for a general strike in 1988 that forced González to eliminate part of his reforms.

In 1989, the PSOE won by absolute majority in the polls. This third legislature (1989-1993) was that of the Olympic Games and the universal exhibition in Seville that showed a modern image of Spain. However, the world recession of the 90s hit Spain hard. The economic crisis, aggravated by the incorrect economic policy, rocketed inflation and unemployment reached unexpected levels. This crisis was the beginning of the discovery of a series of scandals such as the one involving Alfonso Guerra’s brother and FILESA. In addition to them, the GAL scandal showed the complicity of the government in the “dirty war” against ETA. In the 1993 polls, the PSOE won but without an absolute majority so they had to negotiate with Pujol. The right wing progressed in a reorganized PP directed by Aznar. It was González’s fourth legislature (1993-1996). The economic difficulties, the scandals, and the hard campaign of the opposition led González to call for new elections in 1996.

The PP Government (1996-2000)

Aznar did not win the absolute majority so he had to negotiate with the nationalists. The turn to the right was corroborated by the victory of the PP in autonomic and municipal elections. The socialist cycle was over. Aznar centered his efforts in an economic policy aimed at reducing the public deficit and reactivating the private economy. The main target was to fulfill the convergence criteria (inflation, debt, deficit) fixed in the Maastricht Treaty of 1991 to unite with the Euro. The economic policy was successful. The economy was reactivated, unemployment was reduced, and Spain entered the Euro area in 1999. ETA’s terrorism reached its peak in 1997 with the assassination of Miguel Ángel Blanco. The cruelty of the gang and the labor of collectives against violence in the Basque Country led to an important popular reaction known as the “Ermua spirit”. Aznar’s government, with the backing of the socialists, managed a hard policy against ETA and the nationalists. The reaction of the abertzales was the Lizarra-Estella Pact of 1998, an agreement of all nationalist forces, from PNV to ETA, to advance towards independence. Some days later, ETA declared a ceasefire without condition. The contacts between Aznar’s government and the terrorist group did not give any result and ETA returned to armed struggle. The president reinforced his policy of confrontation with any form of nationalism. The elections called in 2000 marked the strength of the PP that gained an absolute majority in the Courts.