The Transition to Democracy in Spain (1975-1978)
Item 22: The Transition to Democracy in Spain (1975-1978)
1. Introduction
Since Franco’s death in 1975, a delicate political operation began to bring parliamentary democracy to Spain.
The steps to introduce democracy were:
- In 1976, the king entrusted the government to Adolfo Suárez, who dismantled the Francoist system and negotiated with opposition leaders the foundation for holding elections in 1977.
- In 1977, elections for a Constituent Parliament were held.
- In 1978, the Constitution was adopted, and the regime accepted the Autonomies.
The party that was carried out by Adolfo Suárez’s UCD (Union of the Democratic Center) led to Juan Carlos de Borbon being proclaimed king. He swore to uphold the Fundamental Principles of the National Movement. The oath and the succession took place on the 22nd in a ceremony in the Cortes.
Within the Franco regime, there were two sectors:
- Immobility: The old Falange, almost the entire army (except for a few generals), and vertical trade unionism (except for a few leaders). They believed in the possibility of a “Francoism without Franco.” They were left with no choice but to accept repression by the police or paramilitary bands.
- Opening: Sectors chaired by Fraga and Silva Muñoz sought to create political associations. They thought that the Franco regime could not last, especially after Franco died. They tried to get the government to move away from the immobilists.
Outside the regime, the opposition presented two trends:
- Moderate: Whose leaders had not had close contact with the Franco regime, although they had strongly opposed it. They were monarchists, supporters of Don Juan de Borbon, the Christian Democrats, and Liberals.
- Radical: They were represented by the traditional and historical left, who had a strong worker base. They were: PSOE, PCE, UGT, CNT, USO (Workers’ Trade Union), and CCOO (Workers’ Commissions).
The dismantling of the Francoist regime was due to several factors:
- The depletion of the authoritarian formula, unable to resolve the changes in Spain.
- The role of the King.
- The reformist political forces led by Adolfo Suarez, which dissolved the Francoist regime.
- The attitude of the democratic opposition, which gave up some of its own principles so that it could change the system.
- International influence, in favor of the democratization of Spain.
The popular protest action to achieve freedom developed into a great display of support for Franco’s political prisoners. Democratic Coordination made its demand for the release of prisoners an indispensable condition for any democratic reform process.
2. Development
The transition was difficult, with two key moments: the legalization of the PCE and the attempted coup d’état of February 23, 1981. Both were successfully overcome, and the transition was confirmed and completed with the victory of the PSOE in 1982.
The political role of King Juan Carlos I did not begin to emerge until November 1975. Meanwhile, he remained in the background, according to the wishes of Franco’s project.
The king’s project was that of his father, Juan de Borbon, in 1946, that is, to establish a democratic system in Spain. This project was supported in Spain by the capitalist sector, part of the opposition to Franco, and supporters within the Franco regime. It was also supported by the U.S. and Western countries outside Spain.
A ghost haunted the transition: the civil war. There were, in Spain, the extreme left and the extreme right (with the support of the army).
The danger was that any political situation could create violent action.
The solution was for the opposition to control its followers, to keep the army from intervening in the political process, and to save the transition from the Francoist system.
The reign directed by Juan Carlos I began within the framework of Francoist law. He swore to uphold the Principles of the Movement and took possession of the Crown before the Francoist Courts. He respected the Organic Law of the State in appointing his first prime minister. But in his speech before the Courts, he spoke out in favor of change.
The first government was headed by Arias Navarro. This meant the continuity of Francoism. But in the government came three ministers who were in favor of change: José Mª de Areilza (a collaborator of Don Juan), Antonio Garrigues, and Fraga. For military matters: a Francoist general. And two key appointments for the future: Adolfo Suarez and Fernandez Miranda.
The solutions to the situation by the government were very difficult, due to the increasing agitation of the opposition: demonstrations for amnesty, tensions in the Basque Country (ETA with popular support), a general strike in Vitoria (1976), harshly repressed (March 76, five dead and dozens injured), Fraga (Minister of the Interior) discredited, justifying the police action with his famous phrase “the street is mine.” We also note the events of Montejurra (Navarra) during a traditional Carlist gathering, where features of the same ideology (Democrat and Francoist) clashed, with firearms, and the result of two dead. Finally, the impatience of the opposition should be noted. They created the “Democratic Coordination.” They did not accept the continuation of the Franco regime, which was what Arias Navarro wanted (only minor adjustments).
In 1976, the King and Areilza traveled to the U.S. (seeking their support) and declared their desire to establish a democratic system in Spain. Given the delays (in this) of Arias Navarro, the King asked for his resignation.
After his resignation, Adolfo Suarez was elected prime minister. He was chosen from a shortlist by the King. He came from the Falangist ranks; nobody believed that he was the right man to bring democracy to Spain. Nobody wanted to be part of the new government, so almost all of them were young and new politicians.
Suarez was eligible for:
- Convincing the Francoist political system in the Cortes to dismantle Francoism.
- In this way, respecting the law in force (as the courts could make changes).
- This would avoid the army’s intervention in the reformist project.
The project was inaccurate in many respects and was directed from the institutional legality inherited from the Franco regime and not from the street: that is, change from existing laws and without fissures.
Suárez’s political program was based on two points:
- Political Reform Act, drafted by a Falangist (Fernandez Miranda, elected president of the Courts by the king), had to be approved by the Cortes and the Spanish people in a referendum to establish a democracy. The law provided that the courts would establish, by universal suffrage, a parliament composed of two chambers, Congress and Senate, elected by universal suffrage. It also announced future democratic elections with the help of political parties. This law was approved by the Francoist Cortes (emergency procedure). It did not specify how the new political system was going to be. By eliminating the obstacles offered by the Franco regime, it settled Franco’s law by the decision of the Francoist Cortes. Why dismantle Francoism with Francoists? 1.- The Francoist prosecutors had secured a safe transition, 2.- They were guaranteed the preservation of their social and economic status, 3.- The predominance of right-wing politics, 4.- The absence of prior accountability, 5.- The regime’s maintenance of the illegality of the more aggressive left.
- Call for democratic elections in June 1977 to elect a new Cortes that would develop a democratic constitution.
The law was debated by the Parliament, which overwhelmingly approved it and submitted it to a referendum. The people passed it by a majority (94%). From now on, elections could be held, but the support of the opposition was needed.
Suárez’s relations with the opposition in 1976 focused on conceding a partial political amnesty, later extended after all. He legalized the right to strike. He legalized freedom of association and promulgated the Electoral Law. Interviews with the opposition took place in order to legalize political parties. In the end, they were legalized because the leaders were willing to cooperate. He met with Felipe González (PSOE), who gave his support. The most confrontational was the PCE (the most numerous and best organized). They said that the Political Reform Act was undemocratic. That the elections were to be called by a provisional government that included the opposition. In an interview with Suarez, Santiago Carrillo was willing to collaborate. The army was against his legalization.
As for Suarez’s relations with the army (the bunker). Suárez knew well the toughest Francoists, Giron de Velasco and Blas Pinar (very influential in the army). He tried to seek military support from more liberal figures: Alegria Diaz, Gutierrez Mellado. He dismissed the hard-line Minister of Defense and appointed Gutierrez Mellado, who was more businesslike: promoting official support for political reform and replacing the controls of the Police and the Civil Guard. Suarez wanted to show the military that the reforms did not involve anarchy or revolution. Carrillo had to deal with the Communists, but not with terrorist groups. During this period, there was a revival of terrorism. In the Basque Country, there was great political turmoil, demanding the amnesty that Suarez granted. But ETA’s attacks continued. Also noteworthy were the actions of GRAPO: bombs and the kidnapping of Francoist personalities. Extreme right-wing terrorism also developed: the murder of Atocha (lawyers linked to the PCE). All were provocative maneuvers: but Suarez got almost all the opposition leaders to publish a statement denouncing terrorism and supporting Suarez. Finally, the June elections to the Constituent Cortes arrived.
On June 15, 1977, they were held. Four major political forces were present:
- UCD (Union of the Democratic Center) Suarez. A coalition of centrist and democratic right-wing parties such as Christian Democrats, Liberals, Social Democrats, and reformist Francoists.
- PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party) Felipe Gonzalez and Alfonso Guerra. It defined itself as the option of democratic and Marxist socialism.
- PCE (Communist Party of Spain) Santiago Carrillo and Dolores Ibarruri. It remained a bastion of the left and the struggle against Franco.
- AP (Popular Alliance) Manuel Fraga. Franco’s right.
- Also nationalists – PNV (Basque Nationalist Party) – CDC (Democratic Convergence of Catalonia).
The UCD won. The PSOE became the second political force. The courts, with these representatives, began to draft the constitution (it was a political agreement of all the forces). In the end, their program was accomplished. The 1978 Constitution was produced, and the autonomies were created.
The establishment of the political transition from dictatorship to democracy took place while an international economic crisis of a depth unknown in Europe since World War II was beginning. In a situation dominated by the dollar crisis, OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) quadrupled oil prices, an essential product for the economies of developed countries.
Rising oil prices also triggered a situation of extreme gravity in Spain. In 1979, a new recession further sharpened the crisis. It was an industrial crisis, lacking competitiveness. The annual unemployment rate rose very high and reached 10%. The errors in the fight against the crisis were substantial, undoubtedly due to the priority given to political problems. For four years after the onset of the recession, there was no significant change in economic policy.
The Moncloa Pacts, signed on October 25, 1977, by the parliamentary parties and ratified by Congress, became the first major set of measures to address the crisis in Spain. Its objectives were to reduce inflation and implement a set of reforms to equitably share the costs of the crisis. The devaluation of the peseta, control of public spending, and reduction of the high cost of energy. It laid the foundations for tax reform and Social Security. With a delay of almost a century, Spain’s tax structure joined that of the developed countries in its environment and could thus take the first steps towards the construction of the welfare state.
3. Conclusion
Along with the political opposition, the popular mobilizations (strikes and demonstrations) led by anti-Franco forces played a significant role in the decisions adopted by the rulers of the transition. The mobilizations were twofold, labor or trade union, and political, and they demanded freedoms, amnesty, and autonomy for the so-called historical nationalities.
In 1979 (March), new elections were held. The UCD’s victory marked the beginning of a period of stability, even though the difficulties were enormous. A setback in the municipal elections (April) showed the party’s weakness and internal divisions (they could not agree on basic reforms, such as education, the university autonomy law, the law of incompatibility of public offices…). Suárez was more effective in dismantling Francoism than in building democracy. He never became undisputed.
In 1980, his leadership had to undergo a motion of censure. From then on, the government was almost totally paralyzed, to which must be added an increase in violence. There were even fears of a coup d’état, which took place on February 23, 1981. Suarez resigned, and the coup plotters took advantage of this circumstance. They stormed the Congress of Deputies. It was not until the King appeared on television, at dawn, and dismissed the rebels that it was certain that the coup d’état had failed.
Calvo Sotelo’s government, after a brief run, entered a phase of agony until, in August 1982, he dissolved Parliament and called general elections.
In 1982, the Socialists came to power with Felipe González (PSOE). And the transition is over. The new democratic system is assured. No matter who wins, the right or the left, the system remains. In 1996, the right, the PP (Popular Party), returned to power with Aznar. In 2004, the socialist Zapatero came to power.
The change of party in government does not taint the democratic system, so democracy is already established in the country.