Understanding Electoral Fragmentation in Belgium’s Politics
Another factor contributing to increased electoral fragmentation from the seventies was the split of the traditional parties (adaptation to the institutional development). In 1968 came the formal breakup of the Social Christian Party into CVP in Flanders and PSC in Wallonia. In 1961, the Liberal Party became the Liberal Party of Freedom and Progress with a defense program of the liberal market. In 1971, the Liberal Party split into two: the speaking section (Liberal Reform Party) and the Flemish section (Party of Freedom and Progress). The Socialist Party split in 1978 at the BSP and the BSP in Flanders and Wallonia. This increasing fragmentation cannot be attributed solely to this circumstance, as society had grown considerably before the first division.
3) 1981 – The 1981 elections ushered in a new phase of change in the party system, reflected in the emergence of new parties. Environmentalists: Post-materialist values reflected a high defense of the environment. They criticized the pillar system and presented an alternative way of doing politics.
Far-right parties emerged in the ’90s. The Vlaams Blok, a party of extreme right, has seen spectacular electoral development. Since the ’90s, the party system has suffered from high volatility, as shown by the evolution of the volatility index. The 1991 elections marked a further decline of the traditional parties, but also of regional and nationalist parties. Meanwhile, support for new parties increased. The reactions of the traditional parties to this decline include the Flemish party, which began a radical transformation of its structures and strategies in 1992. No one can speak of a single party system, as both the Walloon and Flemish party systems exist. The parties of each of these systems do not compete, except in Brussels, and significant differences remain.
The Flemish party system is more fragmented and more oriented to the center. The distance between the two parties of the same family in different regions has increased in recent years. This may indicate the impact of political decentralization. So far, this ideological disparity has not been reflected in a differential behavior of governing coalitions at the federal level.
4.2. Pressure Groups and Unions
One of the distinctive features of politics in Belgium has been the inclusion of diverse interests through participation in economic organizations, social, and cultural decision-making. These organizations can exert pressure directly or do so through political parties.
Unions actively participate in the negotiation processes of economic and social policies. Their affiliation is high. Catholic unions are important in Flanders (in the private sector) and socialist unions are significant in Wallonia (in the public sector and heavy industry). They maintain important links with political parties.
Employers’ organizations have a presence at sectoral, regional, and national levels and participate in the collective bargaining process.
Organizations representing the middle classes consist of small entrepreneurs. They have a national and regional presence. Although smaller than in the past, their influence on political and economic life remains considerable. Professional organizations (such as those for doctors and agriculture) are highly influential.
The Catholic Church has been an important pressure group and has influenced both directly and indirectly via the educational system.
Many of these organizations have recently received similar criticism to that directed at political parties. They are seen as unrepresentative, too politicized, and engaged in patronage practices, becoming overly concerned with their own power or the defense of specific interests.
For decades, there has been talk of a decline in the pillars and the organizations that shape them. Although these organizations still exist, the secularization of society and the increasing complexity of the class divide have made their political implications more difficult to predict. The relationship has shifted from a pillar-based connection of citizens based on loyalty and feelings of identification to a more instrumental connection.